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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA
Case No. 9:08-cv-80736-ICAM
JANE DOE 1 AND JANE DOE 2,
Petitioners,
v.
UNITED STATES,
Respondent.
JANE DOE 1 AND JANE DOE 2'S RESPONSE IN OPPOSITION TO THE
GOVERNMENT'S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT
Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 (also referred to as - the victims"), by and through
undersigned counsel, pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 56 and Local Rule 56.1, file this response in
opposition the Government's Cross-Motion for Summary Judgment (DE 401-2). In support,
they state:
I. INTRODUCTION
As the victims explained in their motion for summary judgment (DE 361), the undisputed
facts of this case show that for nine months, the Government and Epstein conspired to conceal a
non-prosecution agreement (NPA) from Epstein's victims in order to prevent them from voicing
any objection to the agreement. These facts constitute proof of clear violations of the Crime
Victims' Rights Act (CVRA), warranting summary judgment on that point and moving the case
forward to a consideration of what remedy is available for those violations.
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The Government has now responded to the victims' summary judgment motion, arguing
that the victims' summary judgment motion should be denied and even going so far as to contend
that it is entitled to summary judgment on this case. DE 401-2. In a concurrently-filed
pleading, the victims have responded to the Government's proposed "undisputed" facts. In this
pleading, the victims explain why the Government is not entitled to summary judgment in this
case. Indeed, as the victims argue in a separately-filed pleading replying in support of their
motion for judgment, on several important issues they are entitled to summary judgment.
In this response, the victims respond point-by-point to the Government's motion for
summary judgment. Part II explains why, after the Government identified both Jane Doe I and
Jane Doe 2 as "victims" of Epstein, they were entitled to the CVRA's protections. Part III
explains why, on the facts of this particular case, they had a right to confer about the NPA. Part
IV explains that the Government violated their right to confer about the NPA and about other
important aspects of this case. Part V explains that the Government violated the victims' right to
reasonable and accurate notice about Epstein's guilty pleas triggering the NPA. Part VI explains
that the Government violated the victims' right to fair treatment. Part VII explains that the
Government did not use its "best efforts" to protect the victims' rights as specified in the CVRA.
Parts VIII and IX respond to the Government's arguments that the victims are somehow
estopped from seeking relief from this Court. And Part X concludes by demonstrating that the
Government is not entitled to summary judgment on any of these issues.'
Summary judgment for the Government is also inappropriate at this time because the Court has not yet ruled on the
victims' motion to compel additional discovery, filed on December 28, 2015. Of course, that discovery might
provide an additional basis for disputing the Government's position. In addition, the victims have
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Before turning to these particular issues, it is worth recalling the well-known standards
for summary judgment. While the Government's summary judgment motion pays little attention
to these standards, on a motion for summary judgment, "a party asserting that a fact cannot be or
is genuinely disputed must support the assertion by: (A) citing to particular parts of materials in
the record, including depositions, documents, electronically stored information, affidavits or
declarations, stipulations (including those made for purposes of the motion only), admissions,
interrogatory answers, or other materials; or (B) showing that the materials cited do not establish
the absence or presence of a genuine dispute, or that an adverse party cannot produce admissible
evidence to support the fact." Rodriguez v. City of Miami, Fla„ 907 F. Supp. 2d 1327, 1330
(S.D. Fla. 2012) (citing Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c)(1)).
Here, of course, the court has before cross-motions for summary judgment, one filed by
the victims and one filed by the Government. In such circumstances, "A district court's
disposition of cross-motions for summary . . . employs the same legal standards applied when
only one party files a motion." Bellitto v. Snipes, No. 16-CV-61474, 2017 WL 2972837, at *7
(S.D. Fla. July 12, 2017) (citing United States v. Oakley, 744 F.2d 1553, 1555 (11th Cir. 1984)
("Cross-motions for summary judgment will not, in themselves, warrant the court in granting
summary judgment unless one of the parties is entitled to judgment as a matter of law on facts
that are not genuinely disputed.") (quoting Bricklayers Intl Union, Local 15 v. Stuart Plastering
Co., 512 F.2d 1017, 1023 (5th Cir. 1975)). In evaluating cross motions, "[a] court must consider
contemporaneously filed a Motion for finding of Waiver of Work Product and Similar Protections by the
Government for the Production of Documents. Any consideration of the Government's Summary Judgment motion
is premature until that motion has been resolved.
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each motion on its own merits, resolving all reasonable inferences against the party whose
motion is under consideration." Bettina v. Snipes, No. 16-CV-61474, 2017 WL 2972837, at *7
(internal quotations omitted).
II. LIKE OTHER CRIME VICTIMS, JANE DOE 2 IS ENTITLED TO THE
PROTECTIONS OF THE CRIME VICTIMS RIGHTS ACT.
Remarkably, as its lead substantive argument in this case, the Government chooses not to
defend its conduct but rather to attack one of Epstein's child sex abuse victims. The Government
contends that Jane Doe 2 demonstrated that she "did not want to be treated as a victim with rights
provided by the CVRA." DE 401-2 at 3. The Government points to certain statements made by
Jane Doe 2, while she was fearful of Epstein, as evidence of this fact. As a defense for its failure
to afford Jane Doe 2 and Epstein's other victims their rights, the Government's argument is
meritless.
At the outset, it is important to understand that this CVRA action is brought on behalf of
Jane Doe I, Jane Doe 2, and "many other young victims of [Epstein's] crimes." DE 9 at I. Even
if the Government could somehow establish that it afforded Jane Doe 2 her rights, this case
would still need to move forward with regard to other victims.
But the Government never afforded Jane Doe 2 her rights. The Government paints a
distorted factual picture of its interactions with Jane Doe 2, so it is important to review all of the
interactions.
A. Jane Doe 2 Was a "Victim" of Epstein and Entitled to the Protections of the
CVRA.
No dispute exists between the parties that from approximately 2002 to 2005, at the time
when Jane Doe 2 was a minor, Epstein repeatedly sexually abused her. See DE 361-27 at ¶ 2
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(declaration of Jane Doe 2). Jane Doe 2 has provided a declaration to that effect (DE 361-27),
without contradiction from Epstein or the Government), and ample corroborating evidence exists
on this point. Indeed, the fact that Epstein had sexually abused Jane Doe 2 was one of the first
undisputed facts in the victims' motion for summary judgment — and the Government did not
dispute this fact. Compare DE 361, Victims' Undisputed Fact 1 ("Between about 1999 and
2007, Jeffrey Epstein sexually abused more than 30 minor girls, including Jane Doe 1 and Jane
Doe 2, at his mansion in Palm Beach, Florida .. . .") with DE 407, Gov't's Resp. to Undisputed
Fact 1 ("Admitted").
As part of its investigation of Epstein's crimes, the Government later approached Jane
Doe 2 in around September 2006. As the Government points out (DE 401-2 at 2), when it
initially approached Jane Doe 2, she was concerned that the Government might try to prosecute
her — rather than Epstein.2 As she explained — again, without contradiction from the
Government — "[m]y son was very young when the FBI came to speak with me the first time. I
did not know what to do and I was scared. . . . I believed that if I told the truth about what
happened at Epstein's house, the police would take my baby from me. That made me really
scared." Jane Doe 2 Decl., DE 361-27 at 19[3.
2 Jane Doe 2's concerns turned out to be well-founded. Not only did the Government never prosecute Epstein, but
later in these proceedings the Government has suggested that Jane Doe 2 "may have been complicit in the offenses .
. .. Specifically that [she, herself] procured additional young women for Mr. Epstein and [was] paid commissions or
referral fees for it." Hrng. Tr. (Nov. 23, 2015) at 4 (statement of AUSA Lee).
The Government later backed off from this assertion, perhaps recognizing that its "blame-the-victim"
strategy conflicted with the Justice Department's other statements on combatting sex abuse and trafficking.
Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. Delivers Remarks at Justice Department Event Marking National Slavery and
Human Trafficking Prevention Month (Jan. 29, 2015) http:/Avww.justice.gov/opa/speech/attomey-general-eric-h-
holder-jr-delivers-remarks-justice-department-event-marking.
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Fearful and not knowing who else to turn to, Jane Doe 2 called Epstein, who told her not
to worry and that he would hire a lawyer for her. Id. As the Government explains, it was this
Epstein-paid attorney who arranged that the Government would not try to prosecute Jane Doe 2
for actions that Epstein might have forced to take. DE 401-2 at 2.
Ultimately the Government interviewed Jane Doe 2 in April 2007 — months before the
NPA was negotiated. During the course of that interview, Jane Doe 2 provided some statements
that were favorable to Epstein. See id. at 2-3 (providing illustrations). The reason for these
statements, presumably well understood by the Government's investigators, was that Jane Doe 2
"had been greatly intimidated, which is why [she] could not be truthful initially and [why she]
wanted to end the threat of the possibility of [her] child being taken." Jane Doe 2 Decl., DE 361-
27 at 1 1 6. It is the belief of Jane Doe 2 that "the prosecutors knew the truth [about the sexual
abuse of Jane Doe 2] because of the volume of evidence they had, and they continued to
recognize me as a victim of Epstein's crimes." Id. at 1 1 5. The Government does not contest
that assertion anywhere in its pleadings.
Based on its inconclusive interview with Jane Doe 2 in April 2007, the Government
contends that Jane Doe 2 has not carried her burden of showing of her status as a victim and her
desire to consult with the prosecutor." DE 401-2 at 3 (order of clauses rearranged). But, as
explained above, the Government does not deny that Jane Doe 2 was, in fact, a sex abuse victim
of Epstein. Nor does the Government deny that it sent "victim" notification letters to Jane Doe
2, both before it negotiated the NPA and after. See, e.g., DE 407 at 12,11 93-95 (Gov't Resp. to
Victims' Statement of Undisputed Facts) (conceding a victim notification letter was sent to Jane
Doe 2 in Jan. 2008). As the Court is well aware, one of the victims' central claims in this case is
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whether such victim notification letters improperly concealed the existence of the NPA from the
victims. The Government concealed the NPA not only from other victims, but also from Jane
Doe 2.
The Government also artificially limits the period of time for which it claims that Jane
Doe 2 was not cooperating with them. In particular, a careful review of the Government's
summary judgment motion reveals the Government's position that Jane Doe has failed to
establish a CVRA violation "during the period between the videotaped interview [i.e., April
2007] and the signing of the Non-Prosecution Agreement [i.e. September 2007]." DE 401-2 at 3.
But, of course, this case involves far more than this narrow time period. For example, this case
involves deceptive victim notification letters sent in January 2008 and incomplete notification in
June-July 2008. With regard to those events, the Government makes no claim that Jane Doe 2
has failed to carry her burden of showing that she desired consultations and notifications.
Presumably the reason for this is that it can make no such showing. For example, in June-July
2008, Jane Doe 2 was represented not by an Epstein-paid attorney, but rather by undersigned
counsel (Bradley J. Edwards). At that point, through legal counsel, Jane Doe 2 was actively
attempting to secure the prosecution of Epstein — and the Government was assiduously trying to
conceal the agreement it had reached with Epstein. See DE 361 at 31-39; Edwards Aff. of Aug.
11, 2017, at 11 11-19. All of the Government's arguments about what Jane Doe 2 was doing
back in April 2007 have no relevance to that time period.
Jane Doe 2 has provided a fuller explanation of all of the relevant events than has the
Government. As she attests in her declaration:
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The more I thought about what was going on, the more I realized that what
Epstein had done to both me and my friends was wrong and that anyone who is
not very wealthy would be punished. At this time, I wanted Epstein held
accountable the same way anyone else would be. I spoke about this with one of
my friends around May 2008. I then called an attorney, Brad Edwards, around
June 2008, understanding that he was hired to get the prosecutors to talk to us and
hear the truth from me. That was especially important to me because I was finally
represented by someone other than Epstein's attorney and wanted to talk to the
prosecutors about everything I knew.
The prosecutors had a lot of information revealing the truth about the
situation of Epstein's house. I had a lot of information, too, because I was one of
the young teenagers who had brought many other young teenagers to Epstein for
the purpose of getting paid by Epstein. I wanted to assist the prosecutors in the
investigation. I hired Mr. Edwards to let them know that I was cooperative and
ready to tell them all of the helpful information I had. I understood that Mr.
Edwards did that.
I authorized Mr. Edwards to join me in the lawsuit against the U. S.
Attorney's Office to enforce my rights and to try to get me my chance to confer
with the prosecutors before Mr. Epstein took a plea or the case was resolved in
any way. I just wanted to be treated fairly in the process.
When Epstein pled guilty to a state crime at the end of June 2008, no one
notified me that his plea had anything to do with my case against him. I did not
know, for example, that this plea had some connection to a crime he committed
against me particularly. In fact, at this young age, I had no idea what was going
on and nobody tried to explain it me.
DE 361-27 at 1-2 (paragraph numbering removed). Once again, the Government does not even
discuss this important information from Jane Doe 2, much less show how it could possibly obtain
summary judgment in the face of such statements conflicting directly with its assertions.
B. Jane Doe 2's Actions Were Consistent with Actions of Other Sex Abuse
Victims, As Recounted in the Scientific Literature on Victimization.
Finally, notably lacking from the Government's pleadings is any suggestion that it ever
really thought that Jane Doe 2 was not one of Epstein's victims. The Government was
presumably well aware of the reasons why Jane Doe 2 was reluctant, at least initially, to fully
cooperate with the Government. Jane Doe 2's behavior was, in fact, very consistent with that of
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other victims of sex abuse, who suffer from a myriad of adverse psychological consequences as a
result of the abuse. The available academic research shows that these consequences include
wide-ranging symptoms of conditions such as depression, anxiety, dissociative disorder,
somatoform disorder, sexual dysfunction and aggression. These kinds of psychological
symptoms may delay or prevent a victim from seeking help or from self-identifying as having
suffered abuse. See generally Bincy Wilson & Lisa D. Butler, Running a Gauntlet: A Review of
Victimization and Violence in the Pre-entry, Post-entry, and Perilpost-exit Periods of
Commercial Sexual Exploitation., 6 PSYCHOLOGICAL TRAUMA: THEORY, RESEARCH, PRACTICE,
AND POLICY 494-504 (2013). It is common for sexual exploiters to lure young and
disenfranchised individuals into their social circle. They then exploit the victims' vulnerabilities
such as the need for love and affection to gain control over their victims, particularly with young
women. See Kristin A. Hom & Stephanie J. Woods, Trauma and its Aftermath for Commercially
Sexually Exploited Women as Told by Front-Line Service Providers, 34 ISSUES IN MENTAL
HEALTH NURSING 75, 77 (2013). In such situations, the victim is commonly persuaded primarily
through seduction, promises of material items or love, and a belief that the abuser is actually
their "boyfriend." See Wilson & Butler, supra, at 497-98. Sexual exploiters may also charm
victims into having or soliciting sex from others to maintain a friendly relationship and to
distance the victim from any family or professional support. See id.
The academic research also shows that sexual exploiters are also able to create a
"pseudofamily" structure that imitates a real family unit, which capitalizes on attachment
patterns that victims likely learned from their own families, and provides a measure of support
that many of these victims are seeking. See Wilson & Butler, supra, at 498-99. Traffickers are
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able to maintain control over their victims through violent and non-violent tactics. See Hom &
Woods, supra, at 77. Non-violent tactics include, but are not limited to, manipulation, fear,
incessant monitoring, threats, coercion, intimidation, and isolation. Id.
Another method of control involves the significant bond that can develop between an
exploiter and a victim. Id. Victims of sex trafficking often develop a relationship with their
abuser that closely mirrors "Stockholm Syndrome." Stockholm Syndrome occurs when victims
of hostage situations develop a positive bond with their captor. When victims of sex trafficking
develop this sort of bond with their abusers, it can be difficult to obtain their cooperation in a
case against the abuser because of the psychological manipulation tactics abusers employ to
maintain control over their victims. Id. This bond can develop when factors such as perceived
threat to survival, perceptions of kindness, isolation, and perceived inability to escape are present
in the trafficker-victim relationship. See Shirley Julich, Stockholm Syndrome and Child Sexual
Abuse, 14 JOURNAL OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE 107 (2005); Dee L. R. Graham, Edna I. Rawlings
& Roberta K. Rigsby, LOVING TO SURVIVE: SEXUAL TERROR, MEN'S VIOLENCE, AND WOMEN'S
DvEs (1994).
For some sex trafficking victims, there is an overt threat to their survival, where the abuser
has acted on threats of harm or has made very clear that they will act on those threats. For others,
the threat to survival is more subtle, but no less impactful. Emotional abuse or threats of harm
also constitute a threat to survival. Victims bond with their abusers as a survival mechanism, and
when there is a perceived threat to survival, the bond strengthens. See Graham et al. supra;
Julich, supra. Victims of sex trafficking also begin to perceive kindness differently as a result of
the abuse they experience. Sexual exploiters often alternate from aggression and threats to
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flattery, apologies, and positive attention as a means to exploit the vulnerabilities in their victims.
Many victims believe that their abusers actually love them, which is perceived as kindness. This
is the case between many exploiters and the women who are their victims. Victims may also
minimize the abuse they've experienced by making statements like "at least he didn't..." and "it
could have been worse." Over time, all victims of sex trafficking will likely interpret many small
actions as demonstrations of kindness, which other individuals who have not been subjected to
the same sort of trauma would not perceive that way. See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
On the surface, it may appear that a sex abuse victim is not isolated and should be able to
seek help because they still have contact with people around them. However, the psychological
manipulation tactics that sex traffickers and other abusers employ to prevent victims from
disclosing their abuse, including threats, intimidation and coercion, usually result in victims
becoming convinced that the abuse is their own fault; that no one will believe them if they
disclose the abuse; and that they deserve the terrible treatment. So instead of being physically
isolated from others, sex trafficking victims become psychologically isolated from every outside
perspective and begin to see the world through only the perspective of their abuser. This sort of
psychological isolation can be extremely difficult to alter once it has been ingrained in the victim
See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra. Victims of sexual exploitation also develop a perception
that they cannot escape their abuse as a result of the aforementioned psychological manipulation
tactics used by sex traffickers. See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
In sum, viewing the world through an abuser's perspective — that anyone who would be
willing to help a victim is the enemy — leads victims to also believe that anyone who could help
them is the enemy. This is how it is common for the abuser to become the "good guy" or hero in
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a victim's mind. When sex trafficking victims have been through this sort of situation, it may
take quite a while to change the warped perceptions they develop as a result of their abuse, and it
may be extremely difficult to obtain the help of a victim in bringing justice against the trafficker.
See Graham et al. supra; Julich, supra.
Against this backdrop, Jane Doe 2's behavior is hardly unusual. And, more important for
present purposes, the fact that she behaved in ways that are common for sex abuse victims hardly
constitutes a basis for the Government to fail to provide her victims' rights. If Congress wanted,
it could have drafted the CVRA with a provision in it requiring that victims cooperate with the
Government as a precondition to receiving their rights. Congress did not add any such provision,
presumably recognizing — as the academic research just summarized proves — that such an
approach would strip many victims who are most in need of protection of their CVRA rights.
Nothing that the Government describes in Jane Doe 2's behavior justifies a failure to provide her
with her rights. Accordingly, the Government is not entitled to summary judgment with respect
to Jane Doe 2's CVRA claims on the first argument that it advances.
III. IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THIS PARTICULAR CASE, THE VICTIMS
HAD A RIGHT TO CONFER ABOUT THE NON-PROSECUTION
AGREEMENT THAT BARRED FEDERAL PROSECUTION OF EPSTEIN FOR
CRIMES COMMITTTED AGAINST THEM.
The Government's next argument is that the victims had no right to confer about the non-
prosecution agreement. DE 401-2 at 4-9. Here the Government's argument breaks into two
pieces. The Government first argues that it had no obligation to tell the victims about the NPA.
Id. at 4-6. The Government then argues, in some tension to its first argument, that a
congressional amendment to the CVRA in 2015 retracted whatever authority might have
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previously existed for such a right to confer. Id. at 6-9. Neither argument is correct — and
certainly neither argument rests on an undisputed factual foundation that would provide a basis
for summary judgment. We first review the relevant facts, which show deliberate actions by the
Government to conceal the NPA; we then address the Government's legal claims, which lack
any merit as well.
A. Deliberately Concealing the Non-Prosecution Agreement from the Victims
Violates their Right to Confer.
In this section of its motion, the Government makes a primarily legal argument,
essentially devoid of any factual component. In doing so, the Government erects a strawman.
The Government characterizes the victims' position as being that the CVRA creates an
obligation on the Government in all cases and in all circumstances to immediately inform crime
victims whenever it enters into a non-prosecution agreement. The Government then argues that
the CVRA does not create such a broad right. DE 401-2 at 4-9.
The Government here mischaracterizes the victims' position. What the undisputed facts
show is not merely a failure to notify the victims about the NPA, but a much broader conspiracy
with Epstein to affirmatively conceal the NPA from the victims. See Part IV.A, infra; see also
DE 361 at 19, 1 48 (undisputed fact proffered by the victims, without objection from the
Government, noting Epstein's counsel was aware that "the Office was deliberately keeping the
NPA secret from the victims and, indeed, had sought assurances to that effect."). While in some
cases an issue might arise about how broadly to construe the Government's notification and
conferral obligations in connection with a non-prosecution agreement, here there is no close call.
However far such rights might ultimately be construed to reach, at a minimum it must surely
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prevent the Government from "deliberately keeping secret" the most important aspect of the
resolution of the case — i.e., an agreement by federal prosecutors not to prosecute Epstein and his
co-conspirators from the numerous crimes that he had committed against the victims. To
"confer" has standard dictionary definitions, such as:
• "to hold conversation or conference now typically on important, difficult, or complex
matters: compare views: take counsel: consult, deliberate." WEBSTER'S THIRD NEW
INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 475 (1993).
• "to compare views or take counsel: consult." MERRIAM-WEBSTER'S COLLEGIATE
DICTIONARY (11th ed. 2006).
• "to come together to take counsel and exchange views." Bryan A. Gamer, GARNER'S
DICTIONARY OF LEGAL USAGE (3d ed. 2011).
• "to hold a conference; to consult with one another." BLACK'S LAW DICTIONARY (10th ed.
2014).
Clearly the Government did not "compare views" or "exchange views" on the NPA while it
was "deliberately" keeping the agreement "secret" from the victims. To provide one
straightforward example of a violation of the Government's conferral obligations, when attorney
Bradley J. Edwards (representing Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2) repeatedly called the Government
in June 2008 to discuss federal prosecution of Epstein, rather than disclose the existence of the
previously-filed NPA barring federal prosecution of Epstein, the Government concealed the
existence of the NPA. See generally Edwards Aff. of Aug. 11, 2017 at 1 1 11-25.
Clearly, at a minimum, the Government's claims that it afforded the victims their right to
confer are heavily disputed in light of affidavit submitted by Mr. Edwards. As he explains in
detail, he had a series of phone calls with the line prosecutor from mid-June through the next
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several weeks. During those calls, the line prosecutor continually created the impression that no
resolution of the case was imminent:
During the telephone calls I had with Villafafia between mid and late June 2008,
she never informed me that previously, in September 2007, the U.S. Attorney's
Office had reached a non-prosecution agreement with Epstein. She never
informed me that any resolution of the criminal matter was imminent at that time,
nor even that such a resolution was being contemplated. In fact, Villafafia gave
me the impression that the Federal investigation was on-going, very expansive,
and continuously growing, both in the number of identified victims and
complexity. I was never told, or even given the impression that any resolution of
the case was looming; in fact, quite the opposite. The clear implication Villafafia
gave me was that there was a major federal criminal investigation and that my
client and I would be kept apprised at each phase. There was no doubt, and
cannot be any dispute, that I was speaking with Villafafia on behalf of Jane Doe 1,
and I told Villafafia Jane Doe 1 wanted to know what was going on with the
federal case in which she had been cooperating.
Edwards Affidavit of Aug. 11, 2017 at 'J 15.
Moreover, at no point during any of these calls, did the line prosecutor ever inform the
victims' attorney that any resolution was about to happen:
[N]ever during any call up to this point did Villafafia inform me, or even give me
the impression, that the federal investigation was at risk of closing. Nor did she
inform me, or even give me the impression, that a deal of any sort had been
reached at any point in the past or was imminent to be reached in the future. In
fact, Villafafia gave me all indications that were exactly the opposite, while
apologizing for not be able to share more information or answer many of my
questions. During the course of my calls, it was indisputably known to Villafafia
that I was calling on behalf of Jane Doe 1 and in later conversations Jane Doe 2
and another client. While Villafafia states in her affidavit that I did not ever
inform her that Jane Doe 1 or Jane Doe 2 wanted to confer with her before any
resolution was reached, that statement is misleading because while I never used
those words it was clear in our conversations that the only reason we were talking
was for the purpose of conferral and making sure that Jane Doe I stay informed
on the case and be apprised of anything major in the case — especially a
resolution. There was never a time when Villafafia even hinted that the federal
case was potentially resolving, thus there was no reason to tell her specifically
what she already knew from our conversations and from her meeting with Jane
Doe 1 to be true — that Jane Doe I was cooperative and wanted to confer with
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Villafafia before any resolution especially given that Jane Doe 1 had been led to
believe she was going to be testifying in a federal trial.
Id. ati 16.
Later, when the line prosecutor called the victims' attorney about the State guilty pleas
that Epstein was about to enter, the line prosecutor never told the attorney "that there was a NPA
or any resolution to the federal case, that the state plea would somehow resolve the many federal
crimes uncovered and expected to be charged federally. Indeed, the only message she conveyed
directly to me was that the federal investigation was continuing and Jane Doe 1 and other
identified victims would remain informed." Id. at ¶ 18.
Most remarkably, even after Epstein had pled guilty — triggering and finalizing the
NPA's operation — the line prosecutor continued to create the false impression that a federal
prosecution was still a possibility:
After the June 30, 2008 plea, (perhaps on July 3, 2008 as Villafafia recollects) I
contacted Villafafia to discuss how the state case had been resolved and the next
stages of the federal prosecution. I started to get the sense during this call that the
Office was beginning to negotiate with Epstein with respect to the federally
identified crimes. I explained in detail, on behalf of my clients, why I felt it was
essential to the preservation of full justice that any federal plea offer be
sufficiently harsh to fit the extensive sex abuse crimes that the evidence
demonstrated Epstein had committed. She did not tell me, or even give any
indication, that her Office had already signed an NPA with Epstein; nor did she
tell me that the federal investigation was already closed or resolved. In fact, even
at this stage after the state plea, the indication was the opposite, although for the
first time I was made to believe federal plea negotiations had commenced and a
resolution could be reached shortly. I took time to write and send a letter to
Villafafia's attention on July 3, 2008, expressing the same feelings I had already
expressed during our post-state-plea telephone call.
Id. atJ 19.
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Whatever else might be said about the Government's actions,; it clearly is disputed
whether the Government reasonably conferred with the victims by "compai[ing] views or
tak[ing] counsel: consult[ing]." Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (11th ed. 2006).
Indeed, it is hard to reach any other conclusion but that the Government obviously did not
"confer" with the victims by exchanging views on the NPA, but instead (as it admits) "kept
secret" this pivotal event in the case. See DE 361 at 19, 1 48 (undisputed fact to this effect). The
limited finding that the Court needs to make to deny summary judgment is not that the
Government had to rush out and notify the world about the NPA, but rather that when an
attorney representing the victims asks about how to secure federal prosecution of Epstein, the
Government may not "deliberately keep secret" the existence of an agreement it has negotiated
to prevent such prosecution. Such a finding is fully supported by the undisputed facts agreed to
by the Government, not to mention numerous disputed facts proffered by the victims. See
generally Edwards Affidavit of Aug. II, 2017, at In 11-25.
To the extent that there is any ambiguity in the plain language, the CVRA's legislative
history full confirms this plain language understanding to the right to confer. The CVRA's
Senate sponsors — Senator Kyl and Senator Feinstein — held a colloquy on the Senate floor
explaining the meaning of the Act shortly before the Senate voted on it. See 150 CONG. REC.
S3607 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004). They specifically explained that the provision seemed from the
recognition that it "is important that the victim be able to confer with the prosecutor concerning a
variety of matters and proceedings." Id. (statement of Senator Feinstein, agreed with by Senator
3 In their contemporaneously-filed motion for partial summary judgment, the victims explain why the Government's
actions so clearly violated the victims' right to confer that summary judgment in their favor is appropriate.
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Kyl). As to how the right was to be construed, the Senate sponsors explained: "This right is
intended to be expansive. For example, the victim has the right to confer with the Government
concerning any critical stage or disposition of the case." Id. (statement of Senator Feinstein,
agreed with by Senator Kyl) (emphasis added).
Of course, none of this comes as a surprise to this Court. Remarkably, while the
Government claims that it has complied with its conferral obligations, it nowhere discusses this
Court' earlier rulings about what those conferral obligations include. In particular, this Court has
already addressed — and rejected — the Government's position that it had no conferral obligations
in connection with the non-prosecution agreement. As this Court held:
[T]he court concludes that the "reasonable right to confer . . . in the case"
guaranteed by the CVRA at § 3771(a)(5) is properly read to extend to the pre-
charge stage of criminal investigations and proceedings, certainly where — as here
— the relevant prosecuting authority has formally accepted a case for prosecution.
The case law and legislative history of the statute support such an expansive
reading of the statutory mandate.. . 150 Cong. Rec. S2460, 54268 (daily ed. Apr.
22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Feinstein) (explaining that the right to confer was
"intended to expansive," applying to "any critical stage or disposition of the
case") . . . United States Department of Justice, Attorney General Guidelines for
Victim and Witness Assistance 30 (2005) ("Responsible officials should make
reasonable efforts to notify identified victims of, and consider victims' views
about, prospective plea negotiations").
In short, there is no logical reason to treat a "non-prosecution agreement"
which the government employs to dispose of contemplated federal charges any
differently from a "plea agreement" employed to dispose of charged offenses in
interpreting remedies available under the CVRA. Where the statute expressly
contemplates that a "plea" may be set aside if entered in violation of CVRA
conferral rights, it necessarily contemplates that a "non-prosecution" agreement
may be set aside if entered in violation of the government's conferral obligations.
Thus, in their petition and supplemental pleadings, Jane Doe I and 2 have
identified a remedy which is likely to redress the injury complained of — the
setting aside of the no-prosecution agreement as a prelude to the full unfettered
exercise of their conferral rights at a time that will enable the victims to exercise
those rights meaningfidly
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Nor is the court persuaded by the government's "futility" argument,
derived from its stated perception that the United States Attorney's Office for the
Southern District of Florida . . . would be constrained to honor the terms of the
September 24, 2007 agreement even if the court were to set it aside and order the
government to confer with the victims before reaching a final charging decision.
DE 189 at 8-10 (emphasis added). This ruling is now the "law of the case" and, under the law
of the case doctrine, "a court should not reopen issues decided in earlier stages of the same
litigation." Pines Properties, Inc. v. Am. Marine Bank, No. 00-8041-CIV, 2003 WL 25729925,
at *2 (S.D. Fla. June 24, 2003) (citing Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 236 (1997). See also U.S.
v. Excobar—Urrego, 110 F.3d 1556, 1560 (11th Cir.1997) (finding that under this doctrine, an
issue is binding throughout a case when it has been decided earlier in that same case).
B. Congress' 2015 Amendment of the CVRA Does Not Retroactively Validate
the Government's Concealment of the NPA.
In an effort to deflect responsibility for its deliberate concealment of the non-prosecution
agreement, the Government points to a statute that Congress enacted in 2015 in response to the
Government's CVRA violations in this very case. In 2015, Congress amended the CVRA to a
new subsection, 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(9), which provides that victims have "[t]he right to be
informed in a timely manner of any plea bargain or deferred prosecution agreement." Section
113(a), Pub. L. No. 114-22, 129 Stat. 227 (May 29, 2015). According to the Government, this
statute operates retroactively to prove that it did not need to inform the victims of Epstein's non-
prosecution agreement. To support its argument, the Government relies on the presumption "that
Congress intends to change the law when it enacts amendments." DE 401-2 at 8 (citing Bailey v.
United States 52 Fed. Cl. 105, 110 (2002)). According to the Government, the fact that Congress
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specifically added a right for victims to be informed about NPAs in 2015 means that no such
right existed in 2008.
It takes quite a bit of chutzpah for the Government to point to legislation specifically
designed to overrule some its legal arguments in this case as a basis for prevailing in this case.
And, in any event, the Government's argument is without merit.
In an attempt to make its argument seem plausible, the Government (once again) erects a
strawman. The Government starts its argument by asserting that it "disagrees with [the victims']
implicit assertion that a victim's statutory `right to confer' is a right to be notified.' DE 401-2
at 4. But while the CVRA may indeed create a right to be notified about important developments
in a case, here the Court need only rule on a much more limited and fact-specific argument: that
in the context of this case, the Government's actions in concealing the NPA from the victims
violated the victims' right to confer.
The Government does not fully explain the background leading up to this 2015
amendment. Congress has long had an eye on the Government's extraordinary limiting
interpretations of its CVRA obligations in this and other cases. For example, CVRA co-sponsor
Senator Kyl wrote two letters in 2011 to Attorney General Holder, specifically raising questions
about the Department's refusals to follow the CVRA by conferring with victims on agreements
reached with defendants before the filing of criminal charges. Senator Kyl's letter to the
Attorney General explained that "Congress intended the CVRA to broadly protect crime victims
throughout the criminal justice process - from the investigative phases to the final conclusion of
a case." 157 CoNG. REC. S7060-01 (daily ed. Nov. 2, 2011). Senator Kyl then reviewed court
decisions rejecting the Government's position that the CVRA applied only after the formal filing
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of federal criminal charges, including this Court's ruling that the CVRA protects victims before
filing of charges:
The most recent court decision to carefully review the Justice Department's
position is Jane Does #1 and #2 v. United States, No. 08-80736-CIV-
MARRA/JOHNSON (S.D. Fla. Sept. 26, 2011). In that case, the court flatly
rejected the Department's claim that rights attach only after charges are formally
filed:
The Court first addresses the threshold issue whether the CVRA
attaches before the government brings formal charges against the
defendant. The Court holds that it does because the statutory language
clearly contemplates pre-charge proceedings. For instance,
subsections (a)(2) and (a)(3) provide rights that attach to "any public
court proceeding . . . involving the crime." Similarly, subsection (b)
requires courts to ensure CVRA rights in "any court proceeding
involving an offense against a crime victim." Court proceedings
involving the crime are not limited to post-complaint or post-
indictment proceedings, but can also include initial appearances and
bond hearings, both of which can take place before a formal charge...
Subsection (c)(1) requires that "Officers and employees of the
Department of Justice and other departments and agencies of the
United States engaged in the detection, investigation, or prosecution
of crime shall make their best efforts to see that crime victims are
notified of, and accorded, the rights in subsection (a)." (Emphasis
added). Subsection (c)(1)'s requirement that officials engaged in
"detection [or] investigation" afford victims the rights enumerated in
subsection (a) surely contemplates pre-charge application of the
CVRA.
Subsection (d)(3) explains that the CVRA's enumerated rights "shall
be asserted in the district court in which a defendant is being
prosecuted for the crime or, if no prosecution is underway, in the
district court in the district in which the crime occurred." (Emphasis
added). If the CVRA's rights may be enforced before a prosecution is
underway, then, to avoid a strained reading of the statute, those rights
must attach before a complaint or indictment formally charges the
defendant with the crime. Id. at *3.4
In sum, the plain language of the CVRA — and every reported court decision I
have been able to find-all clearly indicate that the CVRA does extend rights to
crime victims even before charges are filed.
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157 CONG. REC. S7060-01, 157 Cong. Rec. S7060-01, S7060 (daily ed. Nov. 2, 2011) (statement
of Sen. Kyl) (quoting his Nov. 2, 2011, letter to Attorney General Holder which, in turn, quotes
this Court's decision); see also Paul G. Cassell, Nathanael J. Mitchell & Bradley J. Edwards,
Crime Victims' Rights During Criminal Investigations? Applying the Crime Victims' Rights Act
Before Criminal Charges Are Filed, 104 J. CRIM. L. & CRIMINOLOGY 59, 80-90 (2014)
(discussing Justice Department's "distortion" of the CVRA to avoid providing victims' rights).
Senator Kyl went on to more specifically discuss new guidance being offered by the
Justice Department — and specifically referred to this case. Senator Kyl noted that the
Department had recently (in 2011) promulgated new internal guidelines requiring, as a "matter of
policy," that prosecutors confer with victims even before charges had been filed. 157 CONG. REC.
S7060-01, 157 Cong. Rec. S7060-01, S7060 (daily ed. Nov. 2, 2011) (statement of Sen. Kyl).
Senator Kyl then went on to note that "I can only assume that this new policy has been put in
place to avoid the outrageous situations that occurred in the Dean case° and the Jane Does case,
where prosecutors did not confer with victims before the Government reaching final agreements
with defendants." Id. After specifically calling the Government's treatment of the victims in
this case "outrageous," Senator Kyl then went on to note that the Department's internal
guidelines would "seem to be a complete dead letter if you never notify victims that they have a
right under the CVRA to confer with the prosecutors." Id. at S7060-61.
' In re Dean, 527 F.3d 391 (5th Cir. 2008) (reviewing case where government reaches secret plea
arrangement with corporate defendant without informing victims).
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So far as appears in the available public materials, Senator Kyl's concern that the Justice
Department's policy of conferring with victims about plea agreements before charges were filed
would be a "dead letter" went unaddressed. Even today, the Justice Department guidelines about
crime victim notifications fails to inform victims that they have the right to confer about plea
bargains before charges are filed. See U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office for Victims of Crime,
Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance (2011 ed. — revised May 2012)
(available at https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/olp/docs/ag_guidelines2012.pdf (visited
July 18, 2017)).
It was because of the Justice Department's failure to follow the law — that is, its failure
to properly implement the CVRA's statutory command to give victims their rights before
charges are formally filed — that Congress added additional statutory protections in 2015. But as
applied to this case, those 2015 changes do not indicate that Government complied with the law
before then. The 2015 amendment does not repeal or restrict earlier obligations of the
Government. Instead, the 2015 amendment added a ninth new right for crime victims in addition
to the eight rights established by Congress' adoption of the CVRA in 2004. The ninth right is
"[t]tle right to be informed in a timely manner of any plea bargain or deferred prosecution
agreement." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(9). This right does not restrict the Government's obligations
to "confer" with the victims, which existed in 2008 by virtue of the CVRA.
This amendment in no way suggests that Congress somehow was approving the
Government's mistreatment of the victims in this case. Indeed, while the Government quotes
remarks from Senator Feinsteinm the Senate sponsor of the 2015 amendment, see DE 401-2 at 7
(quoting Senator Feinstein's remarks on introducing the 2015 amendment), the Government does
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not quote her remarks about this very case. As the Government is presumably aware, its
handling of this case was recently an issue discussed by the United States Senate, when the U.S.
Attorney who handled the Epstein case (Alexander Acosta) came before the Senate to be
confirmed as the Secretary of Labor. Mr. Acosta was asked a number of questions about his
handling of this case and, ultimately, Senator Feinstein was compelled to vote against Mr.
Acosta's nomination because of his mistreatment of the victims. Her remarks on this subject are
worth reviewing in full, because she indicates her concern that Mr. Acosta's handling of the case
"flies in the face" of the CVRA provisions that she co-sponsored in 2004:
The most troubling part of Mr. Acosta's record is how he handled a 2007
sex trafficking case that he oversaw while serving as the U.S. attorney for the
Southern District of Florida. In that case, which left many vulnerable victims
devastated when it concluded, Mr. Acosta failed to protect underage crime
victims who looked to his office to vindicate their rights against billionaire Jeffrey
Epstein.
The case, led by Mr. Acosta's office and the FBI, involved an investigation
of Mr. Epstein for his sexual abuse and exploitation of more than 30 underage
girls.
It ended with an agreement, negotiated by Mr. Acosta's office, in which
Mr. Acosta agreed not to bring Federal charges, including sex trafficking charges,
against Mr. Epstein in exchange for his guilty plea to State charges and
registration as a sex offender. Thanks to this agreement, Mr. Epstein served a
mere 13 months of jail time and avoided serious Federal charges that would have
exposed him to lengthy prison sentences.
What troubles me about this case is not just the leniency with which Mr.
Epstein was treated, but how the victims themselves were treated.
In 2004, I authored the Crime Victims' Rights Act with then-Senator Kyl
because we both saw that victims and their families were too frequently "ignored,
cast aside, and treated as nonparticipants in a critical event in their lives." I
strongly believe victims have a right to be heard throughout criminal case
proceedings.
My concern with how Mr. Acosta handled this case stems from his office's
obligations under the Crime Victims' Rights Act. The victims have asserted that
Mr. Acosta's office did not provide them with notice of the agreement before it
was finalized, nor were they provided with timely notice of Mr. Epstein's guilty
plea and sentencing hearings. Worse, throughout the process, the victims were
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denied the reasonable right to confer with the prosecutors; this flies in the face of
the Crime Victims' Rights Act we authored.
I am very concerned that Mr. Acosta's office did not treat the victims
"with fairness and with respect for the victim's dignity and privacy" as required
by law. Rather, according to the victims, Mr. Acosta's office "deliberately kept
[them] 'in the dark' so that it could enter the deal" without hearing objections.
These allegations raise serious concerns.
From his position of immense power and responsibility, Mr. Acosta failed,
and the consequences were devastating.
163 CONG. REC. S2541-01, S2543-44 (statement of Sen. Feinstein) (daily ed. Apr. 26, 2017)
(emphasis added).
The Government also refers to the "presumption" that "Congress intends to change the
law when it enacts amendments." DE 401-2 at 8 (citing Bailey v. United States, 52 Fed. Cl. 105,
110 (2002)). But nothing in that presumption undercuts the victims' position here. Before 2015,
the Government had an obligation to confer with victims about "a variety of matters and
proceedings." See 150 CONG. REC. S3607 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen.
Feinstein). After the 2015 Amendment, the Government had additional obligations —
specifically, obligations to not only confer but also to affirmatively notify victims of any plea
agreements or deferred prosecution agreements.
It is also important to recognize a strong presumption against "repeal by implication."
Miccosukee Tribe of Indians of Florida v. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 619 F.3d 1289, 1300
(11th Cir. 2010). By adding new provisions in 2015, the CVRA expanded the Government's
obligations; Congress was not implicitly narrowing the scope of its earlier work. See id. Indeed,
when enacted in 2015, all of the federal courts (including this one) that had addressed the scope
of the CVRA had concluded that the Government had obligations to protect victims' rights even
before charges were filed. See, e.g., In re Dean, 527 F.3d 391 (5th Cir. 2008). See also 157
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CONG. REC. 57060-01, S7060 (daily ed. Nov. 2, 2011) (statement of Sen. Kyl collecting
authorities) ("the Fifth Circuit's position is supported by all other court decisions that have
decided the issue"); Cassell, Mitchell & Edwards, supra, 104 J. CRIM. L. & CRIMINOLOGY at 75
(reviewing cases and concluding "the relevant case law unanimously agrees that the CVRA
extends rights to crime victims before charges have been filed"). As the Eleventh Circuit has
explained, "Congress is presumed to know the federal courts' interpretation of a statute that it
intends to amend," and "[w]here there is no indication that Congress intended to change the
meaning courts have given to the statute, we are to presume that it did not intend any such
change." Sassy Doll Creations, Inc. v. Watkins Motor Lines, Inc., 331 F.3d 834, 841 (11th Cir.
2003) (internal quotations omitted). The 2015 Amendment thus rests on the assumption, as
embodied in earlier court decisions, that even before charges are filed, the CVRA applies. And
after 2015, the Government had affirmative duties to seek out and notify victims when it reached
plea agreements and deferred prosecution agreements. Thus, nothing in the 2015 Amendment
relieves the Government of its duties to confer, as well as to provide accurate notice of court
hearings and treat victims with fairness. See 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(5), (2) & (8). It is each of
these three substantive rights that the Government violated, as we explain in the following three
sections of this response.
IV. THE GOVERNMENT VIOLATED THE VICTIMS' RIGHT TO CONFER
ABOUT THE NON-PROSECUTION AGREEMENT BY DELIBERATELY
CONCEALING IT FROM THE VICTIMS.
The Government next argues that it is entitled to summary judgment with regard to the
victims' right to confer. DE 401-2 at 9-12. The Government, however, presents a misleading
account of the "undisputed" facts on this issue. When all of the facts of the case are considered,
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the Government plainly is not entitled to summary judgment. (Indeed, as the victims argue in
their separately-filed reply in support of their motion for summary judgment, the undisputed
facts show that the victims are entitled to summary judgment on this issue.)
The Government contends that its conferral obligations spanned three separate time
periods in this case: (1) the period on and before September 24, 2007, when the Government was
negotiating and ultimately signing the NPA; (2) in and around January 2008, when the
Government sent notices to the victims asking the victims for their "continued patience while we
conduct a thorough investigation"; and (3) in and around June 30, 2008, when the Government
did not tell the victims how Epstein's state guilty pleas were triggering events for the NPA. The
Government listing conveniently omits a fourth time period — October 2007, when it provided
some notifications to some victims, before stopping at Epstein's insistence. The Government is
not entitled to summary judgment with respect to any of these four time periods, much less with
respect to all of them.
A. The Government Deliberately Concealed the NPA from the Victims Before It
Was Signed and Immediately After it was Signed.
With regard to the time leading up to the signing of the NPA (i.e., before and
immediately after September 24, 2007), the Government argues that it had no duty to notify the
victims about the NPA or to confer with the victims about the NPA. DE 401-2 at 9. The victims
have already responded to the some of the legal underpinnings of the Government's arguments in
Part III, supra. But even more important, in advancing its arguments on this issue, the
Government conveniently ignores the facts. The undisputed facts here show not merely the
Government's failures to notify the victims and confer with them about the NPA, but far more
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serious acts of deliberate concealment. Whatever else might be said about the scope of the
Government's conferral obligations, the Government certainly violates those obligations when it
covers up the existence of an agreement it has reached with a sexual abuser.
Let's turn first to some of the undisputed facts surrounding the Government's failure to
confer with victims (and their attorney) regarding the NPA. The Government does not dispute
that it was involved in a lengthy process of negotiating the NPA with defense counsel for
Epstein. And part of those negotiations concerned concealing the NPA from the victims. For
example, the Government does not dispute that, on September 18, 2007, in response to a
question about the NPA being made public, the Government lawyers told Epstein's counsel that
"A non-prosecution agreement would not be made public or filed with the Court, but it would
remain part of our case file. It probably would be subject to a FOIA request, but it is not
something that we would distribute without compulsory process." Compare DE 361, Victims'
Undisputed Fact 30 (citing Exhibit 10 to Victims' S.J. Motion) with DE 407, Gov't's Resp. to
Undisputed Fact 31 ("Admitted"). The Government also does not dispute that, "on September
24, 2007, Epstein and the U.S. Attorney's Office reached a formal non-prosecution agreement,
embodied in the NPA, DE 361-62, whereby the United States would defer federal prosecution in
favor of state prosecution." DE 407 at 5, 1 38. The Government also does not dispute that the
NPA's provisions "were drafted without the knowledge or consent of the victims . ." Id. at 6,
1 39. The Government also does not dispute that the NPA expanded immunity to any "potential
co-conspirator" of Epstein's. DE 361 at 18, 1 40. The Government also does not dispute that the
NPA contained a provision that "[t]he parties anticipate that this agreement will not be made part
of any public record." Id. at 18, 1 41. The Government also does not dispute that it "did not tell
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any of the victims about the NPA before it was signed." Id. at 19, 1 46. And, quite notably, the
Government also does not dispute that "Epstein's counsel was aware that the Office was
deliberately keeping the NPA secret from the victims and, indeed, had sought assurances to that
effect." Id. at 19, 1 48 (citing Exhibits 63, 66, and 67 to the Victims' S.J. Mot.) (emphasis
added); see also DE 407, Gov't's Resp. to Undisputed Fact #48 ("Admitted").
These are what the undisputed facts show — which is clearly enough to defeat the
Government's motion for summary judgment and, if anything, justify summary judgment for the
victims (as argued in the victims' reply in support of their summary judgment motion). But the
Government does not even pretend to address the existence of substantial disputed facts which
even more obviously preclude summary judgment for the Government. Of particularly interest is
the victims' undisputed fact 24, which is:
In the same correspondence, the Office discussed with defense counsel how they
could contrive to establish jurisdiction away from the location where the crimes
actually occurred—and away from where the victims actually lived—so as to
avoid the public finding out about anything: "On an `avoid the press' note, I
believe that Mr. Epstein's airplane was in Miami on the day of the [co-
conspirator) telephone call. If he was in Miami-Dade County at the time, then I
can file the charge in the District Court in Miami, which will hopefully cut the
press coverage significantly." They also discussed having Epstein plea to a
second charge of assaulting a different co-conspirator.
DE 361 at 13-14,1 24 (citing US_Atty_Cor. at 29 (Exhibit 54); RFP WPB 000122 (Exhibit 55);
RFP WPB 000125-000126 (Exhibit 56); RFP WA 000281 (Exhibit 57)).
In response, the Government does not contend that the victims lack factual support for
their argument. Instead, the Government simply denies that it sought to contrive to avoid having
the victims and the public find out about the plea, and offering a self-serving declaration from
the line prosecutor that she wanted to move the case to Miami "to protect the privacy interests of
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the victims in the case by allowing them the opportunity to attend court proceedings . . . with a
reduced chance that their identities would be compromised. DE 407 at 4, 24 (citing Villafafia
Decl., DE 403-19, at 1 24). But with all respect to the prosecutor, this after-the-fact
characterization is unsupported by any documentary evidence.' In contrast, the victims attached
four specific exhibits to support their interpretation — exhibits 54, 55, 56, and 57. Moreover, the
Government's declaration does not explain why the key email refers to moving the case to
Miami as an "avoid the press" maneuver. See DE 361-54 at 2. Protecting victim privacy is
nowhere mentioned in this or other emails. Indeed, the only direct reference in the documents to
attending the court hearing is from a September 27, 2007, email sent by the line prosecutor to
state prosecutors, which stated: "Can you let me know when Mr. Epstein is going to enter his
guilty plea and what judge that will be in front of? I know the agents and I would really like to
be there, `incognito.'" DE 361-23.
B. The Government's Failure to Confer During October 2007.
In setting out three relevant time periods relevant to its conferral obligations, the
Government conveniently skips over the October 2007 period. But during this time, the
Government did have some contact with victims — until Epstein objected. This time period
creates obvious disputed facts that preclude summary judgment.
Regarding events after the signing of the NPA, the Government does not dispute la]fter
the NPA was signed, Epstein's counsel and the Office began negotiations about whether the
5 Because the Government has placed its internal motivations at issue, the victims have contemporaneously filed a
motion for finding of work product protections over documents that might shed light on the Government's
motivations.
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victims would be told about the NPA." DE 361 at 19, 1 49. For example, on September 25,
2007, the Government attorneys sent a letter to Epstein's counsel asking to set up "a conference
call to discuss what I may disclose to . . . the girls regarding the agreement." Id. at 230, 1 53.
The Government also does not dispute that "ifit was a deviation from the Government's standard
practice to negotiate with defense counsel about the extent of crime victim notifications." Id. at
20, ¶ 50. And the Government also does not dispute that, on October 23, 2007, Epstein's
counsel sent a letter to U.S. Attorney Acosta, which stated: "I also want to thank you for the
commitment you made to me during our October 12 meeting in which you . . . assured me that
your Office would not . . . contact any of the identified individuals, potential witnesses, or
potential civil claimants and their respective counsel in this matter." DE 361 at 23, 1 63
(emphasis added).
A particularly important dispute has arisen between Jane Doe 1 and the Government
about what occurred during an October 2007 meeting between Jane Doe I and two FBI agents
working on the case. Jane Doe 1 has recounted this meeting as follows:
In late 2006, FBI agents met in person with me. During this meeting, the
agents explained that Epstein was also being charged in State court and may plea
to state charges related to some of his other victims. I know the State charges had
nothing to do with me. During this meeting, the Agents did not explain that an
agreement had already been signed that precluded any prosecution of Epstein for
federal charges against me. I did not get the opportunity to meet or confer with
the prosecuting attorneys about any potential federal deal that related to me or the
crimes committed against me.
My understanding of the agents' explanation was that the federal
investigation would continue. I also understood that my own case would move
forward towards prosecution of Epstein.
Jane Doe 1 Decl., DE 361-26 at 1,11 6-7.
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In response to this declaration and associated undisputed statements of facts, the
Government has denied the allegations and offered a competing declaration. See, e.g., DE 407 at
9,11 71-72. But while this competing declaration obviously creates disputed issues of fact on
some aspects of this important meeting, it is interesting to see the limitations in the declaration.
Here is what Special Agent Kuyrkendall states:
In October 2007, my co-case agent and I met with Jane Doe #1 at a Publix
grocery store in Palm Beach Gardens. We were meeting with Jane Doe #1 to
advise her of the main tenns of the Non-Prosecution Agreement. Among other
information I provided, I told Jane Doe #1 that an agreement had been reached,
Mr. Epstein was going to plead guilty to two state charges, and there would not be
a federal prosecution.
DE 403-18 at 2,1 8 (emphasis added).
Notably this declaration does not dispute key points of Jane Doe 1's declaration, most
important her statement that she was led to believe that federal investigation of possible charges
involving her was moving forward. In addition, this declaration raises numerous questions that
preclude summary judgment. Most notably, the agent carefully attests that he was meeting with
Jane Doe 1 to advise her of the "main terms" of the NPA. He does not explain what he saw as
the "main" terms and what terms he would not advise her about. The possibility of a meeting
with Jane Doe 1 during which the NPA's existence was concealed plainly raises a disputed issue
of fact precluding summary judgment for the Government.
Concern about what Jane Doe 1 (and the other victims) were or were not told is
heightened by the fact that the Government included in the NPA an "express confidentiality
provision" — to use a phrase that the Government has used to describe the provision. DE 361-64
at 4. This provision stated: "The parties anticipate that this agreement will not be made part of
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any public record. If the United States received a Freedom of Information Act request or any
compulsory process commanding the disclosure of the agreement, it will provide notice to
Epstein before making that disclosure." DE 361-62 at 5. It is undisputed that on September 26,
2007 — before this meeting — the line prosecutor was discussing with defense counsel what she
could give to the FBI agents as "their marching orders regarding what they can tell the girls."
DE 361 at 21, 1 55 (citing DE 361-26, DE 361-71). In response, it is undisputed that on October
10, 2007, Epstein's counsel explained that no disclosure of the NPA should be made to the
victims: "Neither federal agents nor anyone from your Office should contact the identified
individuals to inform them of the resolution of the case . . . . Not only would that violate the
confidentiality of the agreement, but Mr. Epstein also will have no control over what is
communicated to the identified individuals at this most critical stage." DE 361 at 23,1 61. And
ultimately, it is undisputed that U.S. Attorney Alex Acosta assured Epstein's defense counsel
that his "Office would not . . . contact any of the identified individuals, potential witnesses, or
potential civil claimants and their respective counsel in this matter." DE 361 at 23, 1 63 (citing
361-67). In light of this undisputed background, as between Jane Doe l's position (that she was
not told about the NPA) and the FBI agent's position (that he went to discuss the "main terms" of
agreement), Jane Doe 1's position is better supported by the documents. In any event, this
particular dispute can only be sorted out by cross-examining the FBI agent about what his
"marching orders" were, whether he was abiding by the "express confidentiality provision" in
the NPA, and what precisely he did tell Jane Doe 1.
Finally, it is worth noting that the Government apparently concedes that Jane Doe 1 was
in an unusual position. It is undisputed that FBI agents only contacted three victims during this
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time. Thus, it is undisputed that Jane Doe 2 and several dozen other victims were kept entirely in
the dark about the signing of the non-prosecution agreement. See DE 361 at 26, 1 77; DE 407 at
10, 1 77; DE 361 at 30, 1 89.
C. The Government's Concealment of the NPA and Consequent Failure to
Confer During January 2008.
The Government continued to keep Jane Doe 1 (and other victims) in the dark about the
NPA in and around January 2008, with the consequent result that the victims could not exercise
any right to confer about the NPA. During that month, it is undisputed that the Government sent
Jane Doe I. Jane Doe 2, and the other victim notification letters that read: "This case is currently
under investigation. This can be a lengthy process and we request your continued patience while
we conduct a thorough investigation." DE 361 at 31-32,1P 93-95. The Government does not
dispute that these letters failed to disclose the previously-signed NPA entered into by Epstein and
the Government. DE 361 at 31-32, 1 94.
The Government tries to paint a benign portrait of these letters. In its papers, the
Government claims that the reason for this phrasing of the letters was that it "reflected that
investigative team's views that there might well be a federal prosecution and that at least some of
the victims would become prosecution witnesses at trial." DE 401-2 at 10. As support for its
claim, the Government cites the self-serving declaration of the line prosecutor. Id. (citing
Villafatia Decl., DE 403-19 at 18-19). According to this declaration, the prosecutor was
personally present during a January 31, 2008, meeting with Jane Doe 1.6
6 These representations by the Government provide one example of how the Government is trying to rely upon its
internal deliberations in order to obtain summary judgment — even though the Government previously asserted
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But rather than use that face-to-face meeting as opportunity to forthrightly explain that
the Government had previously signed an NPA with Epstein obligating it not to prosecute him,
the prosecutor instead "asked Jane Doe 1 whether she would be willing to testify if there were a
trial. At that time, Jane Doe 1 stated that she hoped Epstein would be prosecuted and that she
was willing to testify." Villafafia Decl., DE 403-19 at 19, 1 36. The prosecutor admits that she
"did not disclose to Jane Doe 1 at this meeting that [the Government] had already negotiated a
NPA with Epstein" (DE 361 at 32, 1 97), while claiming that "no one was deceived." Id. But the
prosecutor does not respond to Jane Doe 1's affidavit explaining "I was not told about any non-
prosecution agreement or any potential resolution of the federal criminal investigation I was
cooperating in. If I had been told about a non-prosecution agreement, I would have objected."
Jane Doe 1 Decl., DE 361-26 at 2,1 8. And Jane Doe 1 further explains that "In light of the
letter I had received, I had confidence I would be contacted by the federal government before it
reached any final resolution of the investigation into my case and that I would likely be needed
to testify if the case went to trial, which I was willing and anxious to do." Id. at ¶ 9. This was a
reasonable understanding of the letters. See Edwards Aff. of August II, 2017, at 9f 8.
D. The Government's Continuing Concealment of the NPA as Epstein Plead to
Two State Crimes Pursuant to the Agreement
The Government's deliberate concealment of the NPA continued through the period of
time when Epstein entered his guilty pleas to state charges, triggering the NPA — and making his
"work product" and other protections to prevent it from being required to disclose documents about its internal
deliberations to the victims. In a separately-filed Motion for Finding Waiver of Work Product and Similar
Protections by the Government for Production of Documents, the victims seek access to the Government's
documents about these internal deliberations that it has placed at issue. Of course, until the victims receive those
documents, summary judgment for the Government would be inappropriate since those documents may well provide
additional grounds for demonstrating disputed facts in this case.
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prosecution for any crimes against the victims impossible. Here again, the Government is
obviously not entitled to summary judgment because, if anything, the undisputed facts support
the victims' position.
The Government admits that it "did not inform the victims of the NPA, until after Epstein
entered his plea . . ." DE 407 at 10,1 82. For example, the Government admits that in March
2008 it sent "a lengthy email to a prospective pro bono attorney for one of Epstein's victims who
had been subpoenaed to appear at a deposition. The email list listed the attorneys representing
Epstein, the targets of the investigation, and recounted in detail the investigation that has been
conduct to that point. The email did not reveal the fact that Epstein had signed the NPA in
September 2007." DE 361 at 32-33,1 98. As another example, the Government admits that in
June 2008 it spoke to attorney Bradley J. Edwards, counsel for Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2, about
the state plea that Epstein was preparing to enter and that "the NPA was not mentioned." DE
407 at 14, ¶ 101; see also DE 403-19 at 20, ¶ 37 (affidavit from line prosecutor that "I did not
disclose the existence of the NPA to Edwards . ."); accord Edwards Aff. of Aug. 11, 2017, at 1
17. Indeed, "the line prosecutor asked Mr. Edwards to send any information that he wanted
considered by the Office in determining whether to file federal charges." DE 361 at 34, 1 102.
The line prosecutor concealed the single most important issue concerning the filing of federal
charges — the existence of previously-signed non-prosecution agreement blocking the very filing
of those federal charges. Of course, had the prosecutor disclosed the existence of the agreement,
attorney Edwards could have taken steps to challenge the consummation of the NPA. The record
clearly shows that the reason that the Government had to go to such lengths to keep him in the
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dark was to allow the NPA to come into effect unimpeded. See, e.g., DE 361 at 31-37; see
Edwards Aff. of August 11, 2017, at 21-23.
The Government prosecutor admits that she concealed the NPA from Edwards, but offers
this explanation: "I did not disclose the existence of the NPA to Edwards because I did not know
whether the NPA remained viable at that time or whether Epstein would enter the state court
guilty pleas that would trigger the NPA." DE 403-19 at 20. 91 37 (Villafafia aff.). The
Government also claims that it "impressed upon Attorney Edwards that time was of the essence,"
id. — although what time deadline was looming is not indicated in the Government's materials.
A fuller picture of what the Government was doing comes from Mr. Edwards affidavit, which
makes clear that the Government was concealing the connection to the NPA:
While I was out of town from June 27-29, 2008, Villafafia called me. My
recollection was that it was either on Saturday June 28 or Sunday June 29, 2008.
She told me that she had just learned that Epstein was pleading guilty in state
court on Monday, June 30, 2008. Villafafia gave no indication whatsoever that
this plea would resolve the federal investigation. Indeed, Villafafia did not tell me
that the state plea was even related to the federal investigation. In fact, this was
the first time she had acknowledged that there was still an open state
investigation. She gave the impression that she was caught off-guard herself that
Epstein was pleading guilty or that this event was happening at all. Villafafia
confirmed prior to this call that Doe 1 and Doe 2 were part of the federal
investigation. Neither Doe 1 nor Doe 2 nor any other victims I had spoken to up
that point, or even those I represented later, had ever been contacted by the Palm
Beach State Attorney and told that they were victims of crimes being prosecuted
by the State of Florida. Neither Doe 1 nor Doe 2 had any reason to believe that
they were victims of a state crime that was being prosecuted. Based on
everything Villafafia said, and could not say, there was no possible way I could
have believed that this state plea could affect the federal investigation or the rights
of my clients in that federal investigation.
Villafafia did express that this hearing was important, but never told me
why she felt that way. My logical belief was that having Epstein plead guilty to
any offense related to his sexual interaction with minors would only help the
larger federal prosecution. Villafafia did not tell me that my clients could speak at
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the hearing or even had any role in or connection to the hearing; in fact, it is my
belief to this day that there were several specifically identified victims to the state
offenses for which Epstein pled guilty and none were Jane Doe 1 or Jane Doe 2. I
told Villafafia that I was out of town and could not attend the hearing. Despite my
questions about the case and investigation, both before and during this
conversation, Villafafia did not ever tell me that there was a NPA or any
resolution to the federal case, that the state plea would somehow resolve the many
federal crimes uncovered and expected to be charged federally. Indeed, the only
message she conveyed directly to me was that the federal investigation was
continuing and Jane Doe I and other identified victims would remain informed. I
always had the feeling, in every call, that Villafafia wanted to tell me more and
that her supervisors would simply not permit her to do so. A fair characterization
of each call was that I provided information and asked questions and Villafafia
listened and expressed that she was unable to say much or answer the questions I
was asking.
Edwards Aff. of August 11, 2017, at 11 17-18. As result of the Government's continued
concealment of the NPA, attorney Edwards was not able to reasonably exercise the victims' right
to confer with the Government. See id. atilt 19-25.7
After Epstein entered his guilty plea in state court, the Government admits that it
continued to conceal the substantive provisions of the NPA dealing with Epstein's non-
prosecution. For example, the Government does not dispute that on July 9, 2008, the
Government sent Epstein's victims notification letters that "did not disclose the NPA or the
immunity for `other potential co-conspirators' or Epstein." DE 361 at 41, ¶ 130. And the
Government does not dispute that, about a month later, Epstein's defense counsel sent a note to
the prosecutors "thanking the Government for 'agreeing to oppose any disclosure of the
[NPA].'" DE 361 at 42,1 138 (citing Victims S.J. Mot., Ex. 125). And on September 2, 2008,
7Of course, under the CVRA, a victim can assert her rights through a representative, such as an attorney. See 18
U.S.C. § 3771(d)(1).
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nearly a year after the NPA was first signed, the Government's line prosecutor sent an email to
Epstein's defense counsel stating: "I will start sending out the victim notifications today." The
net effect of all this was, as the Government admits, that "a[t) no time while it negotiated and
executed the NPA did the Government notify the victims that Epstein's guilty plea would
prevent his prosecution for crimes against them." DE 361 at 47,1 157.8
In sum, during four separate time periods, there is ample evidence that the Government
violated the victims' right to confer by concealing the non-prosecution agreement from them.
The Government is not entitled to summary judgment on the right-to-confer claims.
V. THE GOVERNMENT VIOLATED THE VICTIMS' RIGHT TO ACCURATE
NOTICE BY CONCEALING FROM THE VICTIMS THAT EPSTEIN'S STATE
PLEA BARGAIN HEARING WAS CONNECTED TO A SECRET NON-
PROSECUTION AGREEMENT.
The Government next argues that it is entitled to summary judgment on the victims'
argument that they did not receive "reasonable, accurate, and timely notice of any public court
proceeding . . . involving the crime." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(2). The Government does not
contend that it forthrightly explained to the victims what was going on when Epstein pleaded
guilty to two Florida state crimes — thereby triggering the secret NPA. Instead, the Government
interposes two technical arguments. First, it contends that the CVRA can never have application
to state court proceedings. Second, it argues that, because it told the victims the time and place
8 The Government admits this sentence, with the additional note that "Epstein's guilty plea did not prevent
prosecutions of Epstein for crimes against the victims." See DE 361.62." DE 407 at 20,1 157. The Government's
citation indicates that, technically speaking, it was the NPA, not Epstein's guilty plea, that prevented prosecution of
Epstein for crimes against the victims.
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that the hearing would take place, that it provided sufficient notice. On the specific facts of this
case, the Government is not entitled to summary judgment based on either of these arguments.
A. Because of the NPA, Epstein's Plea to State Charges Involved the Federal Crimes
He Had Committed Against the Victims.
The Government's lead argument is that the CVRA can have no application to state court
proceedings. In a simple case, the Government's argument might be correct. But this is not a
simple case. To the contrary, the Government chose to interweave state court proceedings with
federal crimes through its non-prosecution agreement. Because of its decision to link the two,
the CVRA applied to the Epstein's guilty pleas in state court triggering the implementation of a
federal non-prosecution agreement.
The CVRA provision at issue promises crime victims that they have a "right to
reasonable, accurate, and timely notice of any public court proceeding . . . involving the crime . .
. ." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(2). Accordingly, the first question that arises when applying this right
to this case is what "crime" is at issue. The Government seems to treat "the crime" at issue as
the Florida state solicitation of prostitution charges to which Epstein pled guilty. But those were
not crimes committed against Jane Doe 1, Jane Doe 2, and many of the other victims whose
rights are under litigation here. As the Government must surely be aware, the "crime" at issue is
the federal crimes that Epstein committed against these victims.
The Government listed the federal crimes that are at issue in this case in the NPA. They
include violations of 18 U.S.C. § 371 (conspiracy); 18 U.S.C. § 2422(b) (using interstate
communications to induce minors to engage in prostitution); 18 U.S.C. § 1591(c) (recruiting a
minor to engage in commercial sex). These federal crimes — identified in the NPA as crimes that
would not be prosecuted — are the ones that were implicated by Epstein's state court guilty pleas.
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The only remaining question is whether Epstein's state court pleas "involved" these
federal crimes. Under the plain language of the NPA, the state court pleas did involve these
federal crimes. Specifically, the state court pleas precluded any prosecution of Epstein for these
crimes. See NPA at 2 ("prosecution in this District for these [identified federal] offenses shall be
deferred in favor of prosecution by the State of Florida ....").
The term "involve" is a broad term and is commonly construed broadly by the courts.
See, e.g., Allied-Bruce Terminix Companies, Inc. v. Dobson, 513 U.S. 265, 273 (1995) ("we
conclude that the word `involving' is broad and is indeed the functional equivalent of
`affecting"); United States v. Seher, 562 F.3d 1344 (11th Cir. 2009) (construing statute and
explaining the "term `involved in' has consistently been interpreted broadly by courts to include
any property involved in, used to commit, or used to facilitate the offense"). "Involve" is
conventionally defined as meaning "to have an effect on : concern directly." WEBSTER'S THIRD
NEW INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 1191 (1993); Allied-Bruce Terminix Companies, Inc. v.
Dobson, 513 U.S. 265, 273-74 (1995) ("The dictionary finds instances in which 'involve' and
'affect' sometimes can mean about the same thing) (citing V Oxford English Dictionary 466 (1st
ed. 1933) (providing examples dating back to the mid-19th century, where "involve" means to
"include or affect in ... operation"). Obviously, Epstein's guilty pleas to the Florida state charges
had "an effect on" the federal sex abuse crimes committed against the victims; they precluded
prosecution for those crimes, by operation of the NPA.
Almost as an afterthought, in a footnote the Government makes the argument that even if
the Florida state pleas had a direct effect on the federal crimes Epstein committed against the
victims, the CVRA should not be construed to impose federal oversight of state court
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proceedings. See DE 401-2 at 14 n.5. But the victims have never argued in this case that the
CVRA required the Florida courts to do anything different. Instead, the victims have simply
argued that the CVRA obligated federal prosecutors to provide notice of the Florida court
proceedings, which the prosecutors had made part of their federal NPA. Indeed, this
interpretation was apparently shared by the Government back went it entered into the NPA with
Epstein. For example, the Government drafted a victim notification letter to be sent to the
victims stating that because Epstein's plea to state charges was "part of the resolution of the
federal investigation," the victims were "entitled to be present and to make a statement under
oath at the state sentencing." See DE 361, Statement of Undisputed Fact 80 (not disputed by the
Government). Similarly, on December 6, 2007, AUSA Sloman sent a letter to Epstein's defense
counsel that explained:
Finally, let me address your objections to the draft Victim Notification Letter.
You write that you don't understand the basis for the Office's belief that it is
appropriate to notify the victims. Pursuant to the `Justice for All Act of 2004,'
crime victims are entitled to: `The right to reasonable, accurate, and timely notice
of any public court proceeding ... involving the crime' and the `right not to be
excluded from any such public court proceeding....' 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(2) &
(3). Section 3771 also commands that 'employees of the Department of Justice ..
. engaged in the detection, investigation, or prosecution of crime shall make their
best efforts to see that crime victims are notified of, and accorded, the rights
described in subsection (a).' 18 U.S.C. § 3771(c)(1)....
See DE 361, Statement of Undisputed Fact 86 (not disputed, in relevant party, by the
Government). And the ultimate proof of the point is that the federal prosecutors called the
victims to notify them of the state court proceedings — presumable to fulfill their CVRA
obligations. On the particular facts of this case, the federal prosecutors were obligated to provide
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"reasonable, accurate, and timely notice" of the Florida court proceedings that triggered the
NPA.
B. The Government Failed to Provide the Victims with Reasonable and
Accurate Notice.
The Government also argues briefly that, because it told the victims that Epstein's state
court guilty pleas were to occur in a Florida courtroom at 8:30 a.m. on Monday, June 30, 2008, it
satisfied its obligations to provide "reasonable, accurate, and timely notice." DE 401-2 at 15.
But in its brief argument, the Government utterly fails to engage the victims' contention that the
notice that the Government provided deliberately concealed from the victims the fact that
Epstein's guilty pleas triggered an NPA barring his prosecution for crimes committed against
them. See DE 361 at 35-39, State of Undisputed Facts 106-22. For example, the Government
does not explain how the Court could grant summary judgment on this issue given the victims'
allegations that the Government and defense had agreed to conceal that Epstein's plea was
triggering event for the (still secret) NPA (see Fact 106), that the Government did not inform the
victims that the plea would prevent prosecution of crimes against them (see Fact 107) and even
whether the plea had any bearing on their cases (see Fact 108), and that if the Government had
told the victims what was happening they would have objected to the plea (see Fact 109). Nor
does the Government explain how the Court could grant summary judgment on this issue given
the fact that Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 (among other victims) were unware of any connection
between Epstein's pleas and the federal cases involving crimes committed against them. (See
Facts 114 and 115). Plainly, such issues raise serious problems for the Government's position
that it gave the victims "accurate" notice of what was happening, as well as "reasonable" notice
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of the Court proceedings. "Accurate" is commonly defined as "in exact conformity to truth or to
some standard." WEBSTER'S THIRD NEW INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 14 (1993). The
Government did not provide notice conforming to the truth when it concealed from the victims
what was happening. And "reasonable" is commonly defined as being "fair [or] proper . . .
under the circumstances; sensible." BLACK'S LAW DICTIONARY 1456 (10 ed. 2014). Under the
circumstances of this case, it was not fair or proper for the Government to conceal what was
really going on when Epstein pled guilty to the state crimes triggering the NPA.
Tellingly, the Government advances no claim that any logistical or similar problems
precluded it from simply telling the truth to the victims about what was happening. Indeed, the
Government offers no reason why at this late point in the process it could not have told the
victims about the NPA. To be sure, the Government has (implausibly) claimed that earlier in the
process it needed to keep the NPA's existence secret because it "did not know whether the NPA
remained viable . .. or whether Epstein would enter the state court guilty pleas that would trigger
the NPA." Villafafia Decl., DE 403-19 at 20, 1 37 But even assuming that these (heavily
disputed) claims are true, those reasons for non-disclosure had vanished when the Government
was providing notice that Epstein was pleading guilty, under the NPA, to crimes triggering the
NPA's provisions. The notice the Government provided was neither accurate nor reasonable.
The Government is, accordingly, not entitled to summary judgment on these issues as well.
VI. THE GOVERNMENT TREATED THE VICTIMS UNFAIRLY THROUGH
DELIBERATE ACTS OF CONCEALMENT OF THE NON-PROSECUTION
AGREEMENT AND OTHER SIMILAR STEPS.
The Government also violated the victims' right "to be treated with fairness." 18 U.S.C.
§ 3771(a)(8). In their motion for summary judgment, the victims provided a long list of
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examples in which the Government violated their right to fair treatment. DE 361 at 51-53. This
list included such things as sending deceptive notification letters to the victims as well as
concealing the existence of the NPA from them. Id.; see also Edwards Aff. of Aug. 11, 2017, at
11-25.
In response, the Government does not discuss its general treatment of the victims but
instead resorts to technicalities. For example, the victims argued in their summary judgment
motion that they received deceptive victim notification letters from the Government in or around
January 2008 — more than four months after the Government had already signed the NPA with
Epstein. While the Court has before it the full text of these letters, see, e.g., DE 362-27, it is
worth highlighting a few aspects of them. The letters begin by telling the victims: "This case is
currently under investigation. This can be a lengthy process and we request your continued
patience while we conduct a thorough investigation." Id.
The Government argues that the statement that the case was "currently under
investigation" was technically true. DE 401-2 at 16. But this narrow focus obscures the larger
point that the Government had already concluded an agreement not to prosecute Epstein — a fact
the Government concealed. This concealment of the central and overriding event in the case
constituted, at the very least, fraud by omission. See, e.g., In re Palm Beach Fin. Partners, L.P.,
517 B.R. 310, 335 (Bankr. S.D. Fla. 2013) (explaining that fraud by omission occurs when a
party "concealed or failed to disclose a material fact"). It also constituted the tort of
misrepresentation through non-disclosure, as discussed in the victims' contemporaneously-filed
reply in support of their summary judgment motion (based on Restatement (Second) of Torts
551). Surely the victims were not interested in what sort of fallback measures the prosecutors
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were taking as hedges against the unlikely event that Epstein tried to pull out of a very favorable
agreement he had already signed with the Government; the victims were plainly interested in
how efforts to prosecute Epstein were proceeding — efforts that had been effectively brought to a
halt by the NPA.
Moreover, the Government pays no attention to what effect its letters had on the victims.
Yet in their motion for summary judgment, the victims explained very clearly what happened to
them (and presumably to other victims) when they received the letters. For example, in her
Declaration, Jane Doe I explains that she understood, from previous meetings with the
Government, that it was investigating whether to bring federal charges against Epstein. She goes
on to state that the January 2008 letter the Government sent her reinforced that belief:
Confirming my understanding, in about January 2008, I received a letter
from the FBI that told me that "this case is currently under investigation. This can
be a lengthy process and we request your continued patience while we conduct a
thorough investigation." My understanding of this letter was that my case was
still being investigated and the FBI and prosecutors were moving forward on the
Federal prosecution of Epstein for his crimes against me.
At this time, I was not told about any non-prosecution agreement or any
potential resolution of the federal criminal investigation I was cooperating in. If I
had been told about a non-prosecution agreement, I would have objected.
DE 361-26 at 2. Based on this affidavit, the victims sought summary judgment based on the
undisputed fact that "In light of the letters that they had received around January 10, 2008, [the
victims] reasonably believed, as was obviously intended by the letters, that a federal criminal
investigation of Epstein was on-going — including investigation into Epstein's crimes against
them. They also reasonably believed that they would be contacted by and have an opportunity to
confer with federal prosecutors before the Federal Government reached any resolution of that
investigation." DE 361 at 32, 1 96.
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In their motion for summary judgment, the Government does not proffer any facts in
opposition to (for example) Jane Doe 1's affidavit. See DE 401 at 6-7 (discussing facts in the
case, but not discussing any events in or around January 2008). All that the Government offers
factually on this subject is a dispute about the victims' proposed facts, with the Government
advancing the argument that these are "opinions and conclusions, not assertions of fact." DE
407 at 13. Given the dispute over the relevant facts, one would think that the Government would
concede that summary judgment is not appropriate. But even more important, Jane Doe 1's
sworn declaration about her state of mind at the time of the relevant event is not an "opinion" but
evidence in the case. And it is the only direct evidence in the case about what impact the
Government's letters had on the victims. Clearly, that direct evidence shows that the
Government did not treat the victims fairly, because the Government led them to believe
something that is not true.
In an effort to justify its conduct, the Government spends a great deal of time trying to
explain that it needed to take investigative steps in case Epstein tried to withdraw from the NPA.
While the Government's facts on this point are (as discussed above) disputed,9 it is noteworthy
that the Government's explanation fails to explain its behavior once Epstein made clear he was
not going to withdraw from the NPA. For example, once the Government knew that Epstein was
going to plead guilty to the Florida state charges that triggered the NPA, at that point any need to
further "investigate" the case had evaporated and the Government could have — and should have
— told the victims what was happening. The victims made this basic point in their motion for
9 The Government has also now placed its motivations at issue, thereby waiving work-product protections, as the
victims argue in a separately filed motion.
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summary judgment, and the Government offers nothing but silence in their response. Silence is
insufficient to obtain summary judgment. And the victims have offered significant disputed
facts. See, e.g., Edwards Aff. of August 11, 2017, at fl 11-25.
The Government also argues that the Court should not "second-guess" various "strategic"
decisions that it made. DE 401-2 at 17-18 (citing 18 U.S.C. § 3771(d)(6). But in arguing that the
Government violated their right to be treated with fairness, the victims are not asking for review
of the Government's strategies. Instead, the victims are simply asking the Court to discharge its
obligations under the CVRA to "ensure that the crime victim is afforded the rights described in
[the CVRA]." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(b)(1). The Government's argument sweeps far too broadly.
Obviously, in criminal cases the Government is not free to a "strategic decision" that it should
not notify crime victims about court proceedings and decline to confer with victims about a case.
The Court's review of the Government's actions in this case does not require it to reassess any
underlying strategies of the Government, but simply how it treated the victims.
The Government is, of course, free to resolve a criminal investigation in the manner that
it chooses. See DE 401-2 (making this argument). But the Government must proceed in a way
that fully protects victims' rights in the process. This the Government did not do, for the
numerous reasons that the victims recited in their motion, see DE 361 at 51-53 — reasons that the
Government has yet to directly contest. Clearly, at the very least, the Government is not entitled
to summary judgment on the issue of whether it treated the victims fairly.
VII. THE COURT HAS AN INDPENDENT OBLIGATION TO ENSURE THAT THE
VICTIMS ARE AFFORDED THEIR RIGHTS UNDER THE CVRA.
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Apparently as a fallback position, the Government argues that even if it violated the
victims' CVRA rights, it still somehow used its "best efforts" to comply with the CVRA. See
DE 401-2 at 20-22 (citing 18 U.S.C. § 3771(c)(1)). The Government hangs its hat on the fact
that the Attorney General had promulgated guidelines in 2007-08 that indicated that CVRA
rights did not attach until after the formal filing of criminal charges. The Government's close-
enough-for-Government-work argument fails because this Court still has independent obligations
to ensure that the victims receive their rights. And, in any event, the Government did not use its
best efforts to ensure that the victims' received their rights.
A. The CVRA's Direction to the Justice Department to Use Its "Best Efforts" to
Protect Victims' Rights Does Not Relieve This Court of its Obligation to
"Ensure" That Crime Victims Are Afforded Their Rights Under the CVRA.
The Government points to the fact that 18 U.S.C. § 3771(c)(1) directs lo]fficers and
employees of the Department of Justice and other departments and agencies of the United States
engaged in the detection, investigation, or prosecution of crime shall make their best efforts to
see that crime victims are notified of, and accorded, the rights described in subsection (a)."
Proceeding from this directive, the Government maintains that it used its "best efforts" to
provide victims their rights, particularly because the Attorney General Guidelines for Victims
and Witness Assistance defined "crime victim" status as occurring only after the formal filing of
criminal charges. See DE 401-2 at 20 (citing Atty. Gen. Guidelines for Victim and Witness
Assistance Art. II.D (2005)). This argument is of no important in this case, because the "best
efforts" direction does not relieve the Court of its own, independent obligation to ensure that the
crime victims receive their rights.
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Under the CVRA, this Court must guarantee that crime victims receive their rights. Title
18 U.S.C. 3771(b)(1) provides: "In any court proceeding involving an offense against a crime
victim, the court shall ensure that the crime victim is afforded the rights described in [the
CVRA]" (emphasis added). This is a "critical provision" in the CVRA "because it is in the
courts of this country that these rights will be asserted and it is the courts that will be responsible
for enforcing them." 150 CoNG. REC. 7303 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen.
Feinstein). Jane Doe I and Jane Doe 2 (as well as other similarly situated victims) have asked
this Court to ensure that they receive their promised rights under the CVRA, including their right
to confer, to be notified, and be treated with fairness. Whether or not the Government made
some sort of "best efforts" to protect the victims is irrelevant to the victims' request, because the
Court must "ensure" protection of the victims' rights regardless of what the Department may or
may not have been able to do.
B. The Justice Department Guidelines on Crime Victims Do Not Create an
Exemption from the CVRA's Statutory Requirements.
The Government's main argument for why it used its best efforts turns out to be an
exercise in internal government finger pointing. Specifically, the Government in this case (i.e.,
the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida) argues that the Office complied
with the Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance (May 2005) and,
accordingly, the Office used its "best efforts" to protect victims' rights.
The Government's argument is a non-starter, because nothing in the Attorney General
Guidelines prohibited the U.S. Attorney's Office from conferring with the victims or notifying
them of the Epstein non-prosecution agreement. The cited provisions in the Attorney General
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Guidelines simply defined "crime victim" has someone who has harmed by a crime "charged in
federal district court." A.G. Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance, Art. II.D (May
2005). The Attorney General Guidelines did not forbid the U.S. Attorney's Office from going
further in protecting victims' rights, even before charges were filed. Thus, it would not have
required the U.S. Attorney's Office to "disregard" the Guidelines, DE 401-2 at 21, to notify the
victims about the NPA or to confer them concerning the NPA.
Indeed, the Government fails to present to the Court other parts of the Attorney General
Guidelines which required notifications to crime victims even before charges were filed, albeit as
a requirement of other statutes apart from the CVRA. As part of enforcing 42 U.S.C. § 10607,
an entire section of the Attorney General Guidelines directs Justice Department employees to
provide extensive "services to victims" during the "investigative stage" of a criminal case. See
A.G. Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance, Art. IV.A (May 2005). This section
requires the special agent-in-charge of an FBI office handling an investigation (or other
comparable Justice Department official in other government agencies) to identify all federal
crime victims. This identification shall occur "[a]t the earliest opportunity after the detection of
a crime at which it may be done without inferring with the investigation . . ." Id., Art. IV.A.2.
Once victims are identified, the Government must provide them with notification of their rights
under the CVRA, as well as public and private programs that are available to provide counseling,
treatment, and other support to the victim. See id., Art. IV.A.3(a) & (e). Most important,
"[d]uring the investigation of a crime, a responsible official shall provide the victim with the
earliest possible notice concerning . . . [t]he status of the investigation of the crime, to the extent
that it is appropriate and will not interfere with the investigation." Id., Art. IV.A.3.a(3). Thus,
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the suggestion that the Attorney General Guidelines somehow blocked the U.S. Attorney's
Office (or the FBI agents with whom it was closely working) from closely communicating with
the victims before charges were filed is simply false.
Moreover, the Attorney General cannot exempt Justice Department employees from the
obligations to crime victims under the CVRA. The Government in this case appears to be taking
the position that, because the Attorney General had promulgated guidelines that conflicted with
the requirements of the CVRA (by restricting CVRA rights until after a formal indictment), it
was relieved of its CVRA obligations. Of course, an agency's own "'interpretation' of the
statute cannot supersede the language chosen by Congress." Mohasco Corp. v. Silver, 447 U.S.
807, 825 (1980). Whatever the Attorney General may have said in his Guideline, the ultimate
issue in this case remains what the CVRA requires.
Finally, the Government's position in this case stands at odds with its own actions back in
2007 and 2008. While the Government now asks this Court to conclude that it had no
obligations to the victims during the investigation of the Epstein case, back in 2007 and 2008 the
Government was sending notices to the victims telling them they had protected rights under the
CVRA. Indeed, during negotiations with Epstein, the Government repeatedly told Epstein that it
had obligations to the notify the crime victims — obligations that presumably explain the
(misleading) letters and other contacts that the Government made with the victims. The Court
should give little weight to the Government's newly-contrived litigation position that, in fact, it
had no obligations to the victims at all during the investigation of the Epstein matter.
C. The U.S. Attorney's Office Did Not Use Its "Best Efforts" to Protect the
Victims' CVRA Rights.
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Although the previous arguments are enough to refute the Government' position, for the
sake of completeness it is important to note that the Government did not uses its "best efforts" to
protect the victims' CVRA rights. Even if the Court were to assume that the U.S. Attorney's
Office complied with the Attorney General Guidelines, the standard against which the "best
efforts" specified in 18 U.S.C. § 3771(c)(1) must be assessed is the statutory commands found in
the rest of the CVRA. For all the reasons explained previously, the Government did not use its
"best efforts" to afford victims their right to confer, to be notified, and to be treated with fairness.
Indeed, even taking the Government's explanations for its actions at face value, the Government
did not use best efforts. For example, as discussed in Part VI, supra, even assuming that the
Government had reasons for not notifying the victims about the NPA while Epstein was seeking
Justice Department review (a point that the victims dispute), the Government has given no
reason for its failure to notify the victims of and confer with them about the NPA after that
review process was completed. Moreover, the Government itself chose to send victim
notification to Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 and the other victims, including the notification letter
advising them that "[t]his case is currently under investigation. This can be a lengthy process
and we request your continued patience while we conduct a thorough investigation." Victims'
SJ Mot., Ex. 97 (emphasis added). Given that the Government itself chose to send letters like
this one, it did not make its "best efforts" to explain to the victims what was really happening the
case.
For all these reasons, the "best efforts" language in the CVRA provides no basis for
summary judgment for the Government.
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VIII. THE VICTIMS ARE NOT EQUITABLY ESTOPPED FROM CHALLENGING
THE NON-PROSECUTION AGREEMENT.
In its eighth argument, the Government contends that the victims are somehow "equitably
estopped" from challenging the NPA. DE 401-2 at 23. The basis for this argument appears to be
that, because the victims filed a civil suit against Epstein in which their complaint mentioned (in
one paragraph) that they were included in the government's list of victims, they are now
estopped from challenging the non-prosecution agreement before this Court.
A. Equitable Estoppel Does Not Apply to this Case, which Involves
Congressionally-Created Rights and a Congressionally-Created Remedial
Structure.
The problems with the Government's argument are legion. To begin with, the
Government should itself be equitably estopped from raising an equitable estoppel argument.
The Government gives no reason why, after nearly nine years of litigation, it is presenting this
particular argument for the first time.10 The Government's argument simply comes too late in
the day.
More important, the Government cannot read into the Crime Victims' Rights Act a
limiting doctrine that would interfere with the enforcement of congressionally-conferred rights.
The cases cited by the Government all involve courts construing the terms of contracts written by
private parties. E.g., In re Humana Inc. Managed Care litigation, 285 F.3d 971, 976 (11'" Cir.
200) (construing provision in arbitration clause entered into by patient with hospital); Bunco v.
Green Tree Servicing LLC, 400 F.3d 1308, 1312 (11'h Cir. 2005) (construing provision in
10 The Government raised another estoppel argument earlier, but not the particular claim that the civil
lawsuits filed by the victims create estoppel issues.
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promissory note between borrower and lender). In such cases, the courts are free to craft rules of
construction for enforcing the intent of the parties. But much different considerations apply
when construing the terms of a federal statute, where Congress has itself directed how the statute
is to be construed — and enforced.
In the CVRA, Congress specifically directed that, when crime victims' issues come
before a court, "the court shall ensure that the crime victim is afforded the rights described in
[the CVRA]." 18 U.S.C. § 3771(b) (emphasis added). That mandatory language gives no room
for the Court to ignore violations of crime victims' rights based on ill-defined notions of
"equitable estoppel." As the CVRA's legislative history makes clear, "It is not the intent of this
bill that its significance be whittled down or marginalized by the courts or the executive branch."
150 CoNG. REC. S4260-01, 2004 WL 867940 (Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of CVRA co-sponsor,
Sen. Feinstein). Allowing the Government to violate the CVRA with impunity simply because it
can point to other competing "equitable" considerations would not merely "whittle down" the
CVRA, but completely destroy its effectiveness cases like this one.
Case law makes clear then when construing a remedial scheme for enforcement of
congressionally-created rights, the courts must give "appropriate judicial deference toward the
will of Congress . . . ." Hardison v. Cohen, 375 F.3d 1262, 1264 (11th Cir. 2004) (internal
quotation omitted). Congress is "in a better position to decide whether or not the public interest
would be served" by expansive or narrow remedies. Id. at 1264. Indeed, where Congress has
created a substantive right, the generally rule is that such a right "is not subject to equitable
tolling or equitable estoppel." Fulghzinz v. Embarq Corp., 785 F.3d 395, 416 (10th Cir.), cert.
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denied, 136 S. Ct. 537 (2015). If notions of equitable estoppel are to become part of the CVRA,
that choice is for Congress — not the courts.
Moreover, if the Court is going to read into the CVRA the equitable doctrines of
estoppel, it must also read into the CVRA related defenses — such as the doctrine of "unclean
hands." It is well-established that "[o]ne defense to the equitable claim of estoppel is the
doctrine of 'unclean hands."' Bird v. Centennial Ins. Co‘, 11 F.3d 228, 234 (1st Cir. 1993)
(citing Peabody Gas & Oil Co. v. Standard Oil Co., 284 Mass. 87, 187 N.E. 112, 113 (1933)
("[O]ne must come into a court of equity with clean hands in order to secure relief....")). Thus,
"equity requires that those seeking its protection shall have acted fairly and without fraud or
deceit as to the controversy in issue." Ellenburg v. Brockway, Inc., 763 F.2d 1091, 1097 (9th
Cir. 1985) (citing Johnson v. Yellow Cab Transit Co., 321 U.S. 383, 387 (1944)). Here, the
Government has unclean hands for multiple reasons — as argued at length in the victims'
summary judgment motion. See Victims' Mot. S.J., DE 361 at 51-53. For example, the victims
have proven that the Government worked with sex offender Epstein to deliberately conceal the
NPA from the victims. Id. at 31-35. Where the Government has first orchestrated such
concealment, it cannot then turn around to ask this Court to provide an equitable justification for
its conduct.
B. The Government's Equitable Estoppel Argument Relates Only to Remedy,
and thus is Premature.
At this juncture in this case, this Court need not venture into the thicket of modifying the
congressionally-created remedial structure of the CVRA. At this junction, the limited issues
before this Court do not pertain to a possible invalidation of the non-prosecution agreement.
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Pending before the Court are, rather, the victims' motion for summary judgment (DE 361) and
the Government's response and cross-motion for summary judgment (DE 401-2). These motions
present the substantive issue of whether the Government violated the victims' rights under the
CVRA — not what sort of remedial response the Court might ultimately need to impose in
response to any violation. The Government places the cart before the horse in arguing that the
victims are estopped from arguing for rescission of the non-prosecution agreement before the
Court has ruled on whether a CVRA violation has even occurred. Its equitable estoppel
argument is simply premature.
C. The Government Cannot Establish the Elements for Equitable Estoppel.
In any event, the Government's equitable estoppel argument is meritless. Equitable
estoppel precludes challenging a document only where that party "must rely on the terms of the
written agreement in asserting [her] claims." MS Dealer Service Corp. v. Franklin, 177 F.3d
942, 947 (11th Cir. 1999). Here, of course, the victims need not rely on the terms of the
Government's non-prosecution agreement with Epstein to present their claims that the
Government's dealings with the victims violated the CVRA. Thus, the basic elements of
equitable estoppel are simply not in play.
Moreover, because equitable estoppel requires close assessment of all relevant
circumstances, it is important to understand the very limited reference the victims made to
Epstein's agreement with the Government in their civil lawsuits. The victims filed their lawsuits
in September 2008, only after their litigation here had forced the Government to disclose its
secret non-prosecution agreement. The victims' civil lawsuits briefly alleged that Epstein had
agreed he had sexually abused the various victims and was therefore estopped from denying the
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abuse. See DE 401-2 at 24 (quoting complaint). Of course, in September 2008, this lawsuit had
already been filed — but had not yet been finally decided, much less decided in their favor.
Accordingly, the victims (acting through legal counsel) could only speculate as to the ultimate
outcome of this case and had to raise all possible arguments in their civil suit to preserve them if
needed. But simply preserving a claim is not the same thing as actually prevailing on a claim — a
necessary predicate for equitable estoppel. Ultimately, the civil suits that the Government refers
to were, in fact, settled before trial and before any dispositive rulings were made by the Court
against Epstein based on the non-prosecution agreement.
Any other conclusion would convert the equitable estoppel doctrine from one having very
limited scope to one having sweeping implications. Frequently litigants in the earlier stages of
litigation must, to preserve their rights, assert arguments that might ultimately prove to be
inconsistent with positions either taken in the same case or in other litigation. It is only when a
party actually receives a court ruling based on particularly predicate that estoppel issues come in
to play. If the victims had obtained money from Epstein based on a court ruling that he was
estopped from contesting liability to them by the NPA, then some of the prerequisites for judicial
estoppel would have been in place. But until the victims moved for — and received — such a
ruling, they did nothing more than preserve their rights by simply listing all possible arguments
in their complaint.
Preserving arguments is commonplace in modern litigation — not some basis for
precluding later arguments. A plaintiff, for example, may allege in a complaint that she was
harmed by either Defendant A or Defendant B — to be sorted out after further discovery. Or a
defendant may allege that he did not harm the plaintiff but, if he did, the damages were only
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minimal. These are not occasions for equitable estoppel to apply, but simply the routine
assertion of potentially diverging legal positions that protect the rights of a party. It would
hardly be equitable to preclude parties, at early stages of court proceedings, from raising also
possible arguments that they might need to use at some later point in litigation.
Finally, the victims only presented an estoppel argument against Epstein — not the
Government. So, at most, Epstein would have some estoppel argument he might be able to
present — not the Government. The Government cannot, as a matter of equity, hide behind its
agreement with a sex offender to justify its failure to provide crime victims their statutorily-
promised in the CVRA. The Government's "equitable" estoppel argument should itself be
rejected as not sounding in equity.
IX. THE VICTIMS ARE NOT JUDICIALLY ESTOPPED FROM CHALLENGING
THE NPA.
As one final argument against being forced to explain their decision to keep the victims
in the dark about the NPA, the Government contends that the doctrine of "judicial estoppel"
applies, blocking the victims from challenging the NPA. DE 401-2 at 25-27. Once again, this
argument is meritless.
For starters, for all the reasons just explained that the Government's argument of
equitable estoppel fails, the Government's argument of judicial estoppel likewise fails. For
example, the Government's belated assertion of judicial estoppel comes too late in the day to be
appropriate. Moreover, the decision of whether to allow a doctrine of judicial estoppel to let the
Government off the hook when it violates victims' rights is for Congress, not the courts. In
addition, the Government has "unclean hands" and cannot raise an equitable argument. And the
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Government continues to place the cart before the horse in raising arguments about whether the
non-prosecution agreement can be invalidated before the Court has made the predicate
determination of whether the Government even violated its CVRA obligations. But other
additional problems exist with the Government's argument as well.
Remarkably, the Government seeks to rely on this doctrine even though, as it concedes,
one of the elements for application of the doctrine is proof of "a party's success in convincing a
court of the earlier position, so that judicial acceptance of the inconsistent later position would
create the perception that either the earlier or later court was misled." DE 401-2 at 25 (emphasis
added) (citing Tampa Bay Water v. HDR Engineering, Inc., 731 F.3d 1171, 1182 (11th Cir.
2013)). In this case, even treating the state court proceedings as the "earlier" proceedings, the
Government does not even attempt to argue that the victims had "success" in convincing the
state courts that Epstein was estopped from contesting liability. The reason for this is that the
victims never reached the point in the state court proceedings of making the argument against
Epstein — much less, having success by winning the argument. Indeed, Epstein vigorously
defended those cases. The reason for this is that the Government's NPA created such a limited
remedy for Epstein's victims that it was, for all practical purposes, meaningless. Once again, the
Government created a sweetheart deal for Epstein — a deal far different than it ordinarily reaches
with other, less-wealthy, defendants.
For these purposes, the relevant provision in the NPA is paragraph 9, which provided that
if a victim elected to sue Epstein under 18 U.S.C. § 2255, Epstein agreed not to contest liability —
"so long as the [victim] agrees to waive any other claim for damages, whether pursuant to state,
federal, or common law." The practical effect of this provision was to cap the victims' claims
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against Epstein to no more than $150,000 (or, Epstein, argued no more than $50,000), the
statutory maximum under § 2255. Given the horrific abuse that Epstein inflicted on his child sex
abuse victims, this cap meant that the NPA was essentially meaningless for many of the victims
— including Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2, who were not willing to waive all other claims for
damages and thus had to proceed entirely apart from the NPA to obtain appropriate recovery
from Epstein. The broad claims that the victims made against Epstein are apparent from the face
of their complaints. The victims thus never had "success" relying on the provisions of the NPA
— but could only have success by escaping from the limits on liability that the Government had
agreed to with the sex offender they were pursuing." Of course, in any ordinary case, the
Government simply requires a sex offender to plead guilty to his crimes, thereby creating an
admission that he has committed those crimes. For reasons that remain to be explained, the
Government did not follow that ordinary course of action here.
Instead of presenting evidence that the victims had "success" in relying on the NPA's
provisions, the Government disingenuously claims that "Epstein ultimately did not contest
liability, as [the victims] claimed he could not, due to his plea and the NPA." DE 401-2 at 26.
This is not an accurate description of the outcome of the state court cases. The parties reached a
confidential settlement with each other.12 There was never any agreement "not to contest"
1I It appears that one of the reasons that the Government tried to set up this mechanism that would require the
victims to waive civil claims is that the lead prosecutor had a bias against plaintiff's attorneys. See Victims' Mot.
S.J., DE 361 at 21 ¶ 43 (exhibit 70) (prosecutor states that she is concerned about "an inherent tension because
[personal injury lawyers' may feel that they might make more money (and get a lot more press coverage) if they
proceed outside the Terms of the plea agreement. (Sorry — I just have a bias against plaintiffs' attorneys.) (emphasis
deleted)."
12 The Court is aware of this settlement, because it had one of its cases settled as part of this settlement — one of the
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liability — or any admission of liability. The circumstances in which judicial estoppel would
even potentially be in play did not occur.
The Government also accuses the victims of "gamesmanship" in having presented such
an argument in their civil lawsuits. Id. But the victims, no less than any other litigant, could not
be assured that they would win their CVRA case. Therefore, their legal counsel simply
presented in their complaints all available arguments that they might need to raise — particularly
if they lost their CVRA case. Judicial estoppel applies when an inconsistent position is
"calculated to make a mockery of the judicial system." Ajaka v. Brooksamerica Mortg. Corp.,
453 F.3d 1339, 1344 (11th Cir. 2006). But it "is difficult to impute an intent `to make a mockery
of the judicial system' where the complaining party was aware of the inconsistency in sufficient
time and in a position to properly raise an objection in the original proceeding." Id. at 1345.
Here, of course, both Epstein and the Government have long been aware of both this CVRA
action and the related civil suits. There is no concealment or unfairness that are the hallmarks for
applying judicial estoppel. Cf. Burnes v. Pemco Aeroplex, Inc., 291 F.3d 1282 (11th Cir. 2002)
(applying doctrine in circumstances showing deliberate concealment of assets).
The Supreme Court has clearly held "[a]bsent success in a prior proceeding, a party's
later inconsistent position introduces no risk of inconsistent court determinations and thus poses
little threat to judicial integrity." New Hampshire v. Maine, 532 U.S. 742, 750-51 (2001). The
victims never pressed their argument that Epstein was estopped from denying that he has abused
the victims — much less had "success" in court with that argument. Indeed, to the contrary, the
three cases that settled at the same time. See Doe v. Epstein, 9:08-cv-80893-KAM.
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victims pressed an argument that they were not limited to seeking damages under the NPA.
Judicial estoppel does not apply.
X. THE GOVERNMENT IS NOT ENTITLED TO SUMMARY JUDGMENT.
For all the reasons explained above in the point-by-point response to the Government's
motion for summary judgment, the Government is not entitled to summary judgment. Plainly the
victims have provided an avalanche of evidence — both in the form of documents and
declarations — that contradict the core premises of the Government's motion. The Government
only half-heartedly pretends otherwise.
But one final point should also be made: The Eleventh Circuit has made clear that, lais
a general rule, a party's state of mind (such as knowledge or intent) is a question of fact for the
factfinder, to be determined after trial." Chanel, Inc. v. Italian Activeivear of Florida, Inc., 931
F.2d 1472, 1476 (11th Cir. 1991). Clearly the Government's motivations are very much at issue
here, as the victims believe that at any trial or hearing on this matter, they could prove via cross-
examination of the Government's witnesses and otherwise that the Government conspired with
Epstein to conceal from the victims what was happening. Granting the Government summary
judgment in the face of such well-supported allegations would be contrary to the Eleventh'
Circuit admonition that such issues must be determined by a factfinder.
In a concurrently-filed pleading, the victims argue that the facts relating to this
conspiracy are so clear that they are entitled to summary judgment. But, at the very least, the
strength of the victims' case precludes any grant of summary judgment for the Government.
CONCLUSION
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The undisputed facts clearly show that, for months, the Government deceived the victims
about the existence of the NPA arrangement—deception that was necessary to permit the
agreement to be consummated before the victims could object. The Government's motion for
summary judgment does nothing to dispute the fact that the victims have ample evidence to
support their claims. Accordingly, the Government's motion for summary judgment should be
denied.
DATED: August 11, 2017
Respectfully Submitted.
/s/ &alai 9. Same
Bradley J. Edwards
FARMER, JAFFE, WEISSING,
EDWARDS, FISTOS & LEHRMAN, P.L.
425 North Andrews Avenue, Suite 2
Fort Lauderdale, Florida 33301
And
Paul G. Cassell
Pro Hac Vice
S.J. Quinney College of Law at the
University of Utah'
332 S. 1400 E.
This daytime business address is provided for identification and correspondence purposes only and is not
intended to imply institutional endorsement by the University of Utah.
64
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I certify that the foregoing document was served on August 11, 2017, on the following
using the Court's CM/ECF system:
Dexter Lee
A. Marie Villafafia
500 S. Australian Ave., Suite 400
West Palm Beach, FL 33401
Attorneys for the Government
Roy Eric Black
Jacqueline Perczek
Black Srebnick Komspan & Stumpf
201 S Biscayne Boulevard
Suite 1300
Attorneys for Jeffrey Epstein
/5/ twee, j2. £doonee4
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EXHIBIT A
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA
Case No. 08-80736-Civ-Marra/Johnson
JANE DOE No. 1 and JANE DOE No. 2
v.
UNITED STATES
AFFIDAVIT OF BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, ESQ. REGARDING NEED FOR
PRODUCTION OF DOCUMENTS
1. I, Bradley J. Edwards, Esq., do hereby declare that I am a member in good standing of the Bar
of the State of Florida. Along with co-counsel, I represent Jane Doe No. 1 and Jane Doe No. 2
and others similarly situated and identified by the United States Attorney's Office as victims of
sexual crimes against minors committed by Jeffrey Epstein and his co-conspirators (often
referred to as "the victims") in the above-listed action to enforce their rights under the Crime
Victims Rights Act (CVRA). After the filing of the initial pleading in this case, I also
represented Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 (and several other victims) in civil suits against Jeffrey
Epstein for injuries my clients suffered as a consequence of Jeffrey Epstein's sexual abuse of
them.
2. I have previously filed an affidavit in this matter (see DE 225-1). This affidavit repeats some
of the information contained in that earlier affidavit for ease of reference. This affidavit covers
factual issues regarding the Government's recent motion for summary judgment and more
particularly provides greater context and information related to the affidavit filed by Assistant
United States Attorney Ann Marie Villafarla ("Villafarla") (see DE 403-19). Finally, this
affidavit provides information supporting the victims' position that the Government deliberately
concealed the existence of a previously-entered non-prosecution agreement from the victims and
their representatives at every stage through the date when Epstein pled guilty in State court on
June 30, 2008. This affidavit will not address the various explanations Villafarla provides in her
affidavit for the United States Attorney's Office ("the Office") violating the victims' rights,
including those list in DE 403-19, paras. 19 (indicating certain victims were too afraid of Epstein
or had been too damaged by Epstein to willingly participate in the prosecution or that the victims
would face a "withering cross-examination"), 21 and 22 (the United States Attorney's Office's
desire not to share information about the fact or terms of any potential resolution with the victims
out of fear that it might subject the victims to additional cross-examination on monetary terms
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that the victims never asked for out of the criminal case in the first place), 23 (the instruction
from the Office to find a charge that resulted in a shorter sentence than the crimes which Epstein
actually committed), 24 (the desire to avoid publicity and move the case to Miami), 25 - 26 (the
reluctance of some of the victims to testify), 27 (the claim that it is "normal" for the Office to
keep plea negotiations "confidential" throughout and not confer with victims), 19 and 29
(Villafafia or the Office's personal belief that the resolution was "in the best interests of the
Office and the victims as a whole), or 32-35 (the claim that the Office was unsure whether the
NPA was an enforceable document with any meaning even after it was signed by all parties in
September, 2007), as those all appear to be legal affirmative defenses to be decided as a matter
of law whether any would negate the responsibility of the Office to accord victims their rights
under the CVRA. In addition, the victims have been denied discovery on these issues through
the Government's assertion of work product protections and similar arguments. Because these
explanations about the Government's internal motivations are now an important issue in the case
on which the Government will apparently rely, the victims have filed a motion asking the Court
to find that the Government has waived its work product protections regarding documents in this
case that might shed light on its motivations and explanations.
3. Prior to my representation of any of the victims, which began with my representation of Jane
Doe 1 on or about June 13, 2008, the federal criminal investigation was resolved by way of a
non-prosecution agreement signed on about September 24, 2007, by Epstein and his attorneys
and a representative of the U.S. Attorney's Office. The text of that agreement barred disclosure
of the agreement to the victims, a point which the Government made in opposing my various
efforts to obtain the agreement for the victims.
4. On about January 10, 2008, Jane Doe No. 1 received a letter from the FBI advising her of her
rights under the CVRA and amongst other things that "Whis case is currently under
investigation. This can be a lengthy process and we request your continued patience while we
conduct a thorough investigation." I reviewed this letter when I undertook to represent Jane Doe
1 and my impression of the letter was similar to that of my client's (and in my view any
reasonable person) — there was a complicated federal criminal investigation that may take a long
time to complete and the Office wanted the victims, including Jane Doe I, to wait patiently for
its completion before any final decisions would be made. This letter, in conjunction with others
the victims received, promised the victims each of their CVRA rights were recognized by the
Government and intact and would be strictly honored throughout the process.
5. On May 30, 2008, another one of my clients, who was recognized as an Epstein victim by the
U.S. Attorney's Office, received a similar letter from the FBI advising her that "Iilhis case is
currently under investigation. This can be a lengthy process and we request your continued
patience while we conduct a thorough investigation."
6. Jane Doe No. 2, and (according to the Government) many of Jeffrey Epstein's other identified
minor sex abuse victims ,received similar notifications in 2008. I later reviewed the letters sent
to my clients. To me, in light of all the information I have since received from the Government,
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the statement in the notification letter is plainly deceptive because it failed to reveal that the case
had previously been resolved by the non-prosecution agreement entered into by Epstein and the
U.S. Attorney's Office in September 2007. Indeed, the statement affirmatively created an
impression inconsistent with there already being a resolution or possible resolution to the case.
7. Further to that point, as Ms. Villafafia affirmed, Jane Doe 1 "was re-interviewed on January
31, 2008." She further stated that she "asked Jane Doe 1 whether she would be willing to testify
if there were a trial. At that time, Jane Doe 1 stated that she hoped Epstein would be prosecuted
and that she was willing to testify." (DE 403-19, para. 36).
8. The message Villafafia conveyed to Jane Doe 1 during the January 30, 2008 "re-interview"
was even stronger in explaining the case posture than the victim notification letter explaining that
the case was "under investigation." The message Villafafia admittedly conveyed to this young
girl in that meeting was that there was a Federal criminal case being pursued against Epstein that
might result in a trial if he did not take a plea, and that Jane Doe I will need to testify at that trial.
Jane Doe 1 reasonably relied on that representation and stood by with the "continued patience"
requested of her while awaiting the criminal prosecution and her the fulfillment of her promise to
testify. There is no dispute that the conversation at this juncture related to a trial against Epstein
for the federal crimes he committed against Jane Doe 1 and others; Jane Doe 1 agrees that this
was the substance of the meeting and Villafafia agrees. Villafafia admittedly did not tell Jane
Doe 1 about the NPA, about a possible resolution, and makes no effort to reconcile this meeting
with the alleged post-NPA signing meeting between FBI agents and Jane Doe 1 referenced in
Villafafia affidavit para. 33. Jane Doe 1 has explained what happened during that meeting in her
affidavit, DE 361-27.
9. In about April 2008, Jane Doe No. 1 contacted the FBI because Epstein's counsel was
attempting to take her deposition and private investigators were harassing her. Assistant U.S.
Attorney Villafafia secured pro bono counsel to represent Jane Doe No. 1 and several other
identified victims in connection with the criminal investigation. Pro bono counsel was able to
assist Jane Doe No. 1 in avoiding the improper deposition. Villafafia secured pro bono counsel
by contacting Meg Garvin, Esq. of the National Crime Victims' Law Center in Portland, Oregon,
which is based in the Lewis & Clark College of Law. Ms. Garvin was not advised that a non-
prosecution agreement had been reached in this matter or that any possible resolution of any kind
had been reached. In fact, everything about this situation gave the clear impression that a
criminal prosecution was underway.
10. On about June 13, 2008 I was approached by Jane Doe 1 to represent her as an identified
victim of criminal offenses being federally investigated against Jeffrey Epstein and numerous co-
conspirators. At the time, Jane Doe 1 had been a cooperating victim with the FBI and US
Attorney's Office for a year or more; however, as I later explained to Villafafia, Jane Doe 1 was
frustrated because she was unable to get anyone from the US Attorney's office to tell her what
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was actually going on with the federal criminal case against Jeffrey Epstein and she wanted my
assistance in getting some answers.
11. In mid-June 2008, I had several telephone calls with AUSA Villafafia. In her affidavit,
Villafafia only recounts certain fragments of these calls. (See DE 403-19, para. 37-38).
However, to the extent the substance of any of these calls is material to any aspect of the Office's
defenses in this matter, greater context and elaboration on those calls is necessary. I initially
contacted AUSA Villafafia to inform her that I represented Jane Doe 1 and that Jane Doe I was
anxious for the U.S. Attorney's Office to prosecute Epstein for the federal crimes he had
committed against her and many other minor victims. I told Villafafia that I wanted to meet to
discuss the crimes Epstein had committed and that Jane Doe 1 wanted to understand what stage
the investigation/prosecution was in, and what she should expect and when. Villafafia made it
clear that she understood that Jane Doe 1 was cooperative and was expecting a federal
prosecution of Epstein. Villafafia did nothing to dispel that notion and as explained below the
entirety of the conversations provided the impression that there would, in fact, likely be a federal
prosecution of Epstein. We discussed the fact that I was a former prosecutor and would help in
any way possible; more specifically, I told her that I was meeting with other witnesses and
victims, that I was going to be meeting soon with Jane Doe 2, and that I would provide the
information to Villafafia as I received it for the sole purpose of strengthening the government's
prosecution of Epstein. Villafafia invited me to send any information that I wanted considered
by the United States Attorney's Office. Villafafia told me that she believed Jane Doe 2 was
represented by James Eisenberg and I told her that I understood she had been in the past but no
longer was and that I was led to believe she now wanted to cooperate. At the time of the first
call with Villafafia, I had not yet had the opportunity to speak personally to Jane Doe 2.
12. During the first or perhaps second call, which occurred within a day or two of each other, I
expressed to Villafafia that I had gathered extensive information from my client on Epstein's
pyramid scheme, which was designed to perpetually grow to allow him to sexually abuse
unlimited minor girls. I explained that from just my limited investigation, there was clear
evidence of dozens if not hundreds of child victims. I also expressed my client's fear that if Mr.
Epstein was engaging in sexual acts with children with this frequency in Florida, then it was
highly likely he was committing similar crimes in all of the locations where he had residences,
that he had likely been doing it for many years, and that if not stopped he would continue to
harm children. While Villafafia would not comment on the evidence, she indicated she already
knew of the extent of the crimes that Epstein had committed and that I, on behalf of my client,
would be informed as the investigation progressed. She encouraged me to provide information
to her as I learned it and at one point asked if I would be willing to make a presentation to other
attorneys in her office if necessary at some point in the future on behalf of any of the victims I
represented. I agreed to do so, and at multiple stages of the call Villafafia assured me that my
client and my cooperation were appreciated and that we would remain in contact as the
investigation continued and that she would let me know if or when a presentation might be
helpful.
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13. During the calls, I asked very specific questions about what stage the investigation was in,
how many victims had already been identified, how many charges would likely be brought, and
what Epstein's punishment would be. Indeed, on the sentencing issue, I prefaced with my spoken
assumption that his sentence after a trial would likely be life, considering the large and growing
number of identified victims and sentencing guidelines if found guilty of committing a sex-
trafficking offense against just one victim. AUSA Villafafia would not provide many answers or
comments to any of my direct questions and, in fact, expressed that while she wished she could
answer my questions, it was an on-going active investigation which meant she could not. She
did acknowledge that there were many already known victims and that the Office was already
aware of the identities of the co-conspirators I informed her about.
14. AUSA Villafafia states in her affidavit that she told me during one of the calls to consider
calling the State Attorney's Office. To provide context, Villafafia's suggestion was in response
to a question I asked regarding why the State apparently turned the case over to the United States
and also whether there was a parallel state case being prosecuted. Villafafia would not provide
answers to either question and instead made her suggestion of who I could call. My recollection
is that she told me to call Detective Recarey, who was the lead case detective for Palm Beach.
Because Villafafia would not provide answers to any basic questions about what might be going
on at the state level and she confirmed that Jane Doe 1 was one of the victims that was a part of
the Federal case, there was no reason to pursue the State any further with respect to Doe 1.
15. During the telephone calls I had with Villafafia between mid and late June 2008, she never
informed me that previously, in September 2007, the U.S. Attorney's Office had reached a non-
prosecution agreement with Epstein. She never informed me that any resolution of the criminal
matter was imminent at that time, nor even that such a resolution was being contemplated. In
fact, Villafafia gave me the impression that the Federal investigation was on-going, very
expansive, and continuously growing, both in the number of identified victims and complexity. I
was never told, or even given the impression that any resolution of the case was looming; in fact,
quite the opposite. The clear implication Villafafia gave me was that there was a major federal
criminal investigation and that my client and I would be kept apprised at each phase. There was
no doubt, and cannot be any dispute, that I was speaking with Villafafia on behalf of Jane Doe I,
and I told Villafafia Jane Doe 1 wanted to know what was going on with the federal case in
which she had been cooperating.
16. I do not recall exactly how many phone calls I had with Villafafia between mid-June and the
Friday, June 27, 2008 call, which was the last we had before Epstein's June 30, 2008 state plea.
However, we had several calls, and we spoke at least once during the week that ended Friday
June 27. It was during a call that week when I informed her that I represented Jane Doe 2 and
that Jane Doe 2 wanted to cooperate and had significant helpful information to share. Villafafia
wanted to discuss the issue of Jane Doe 2 with her Office, given that Jane Doe 2 had previously
been represented by an Epstein-paid attorney and had already provided testimony with that
lawyer present, before moving forward with setting a meeting with Jane Doe 2 and me. Again,
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never during any call up to this point did Villafafia inform me, or even give me the impression,
that the federal investigation was at risk of closing. Nor did she inform me, or even give me the
impression, that a deal of any sort had been reached at any point in the past or was imminent to
be reached in the future. In fact, Villafatia gave me all indications that were exactly the opposite,
while apologizing for not be able to share more information or answer many of my questions.
During the course of my calls, it was indisputably known to Villafafia that I was calling on behalf
of Jane Doe 1 and in later conversations Jane Doe 2 and another client. While Villafafia states in
her affidavit that I did not ever inform her that Jane Doe I or Jane Doe 2 wanted to confer with
her before any resolution was reached, that statement is misleading because while I never used
those words it was clear in our conversations that the only reason we were talking was for the
purpose of conferral and making sure that Jane Doe I stay informed on the case and be apprised
of anything major in the case — especially a resolution. There was never a time when Villafafia
even hinted that the federal case was potentially resolving, thus there was no reason to tell her
specifically what she already knew from our conversations and from her meeting with Jane Doe
1 to be true — that Jane Doe 1 was cooperative and wanted to confer with Villafafia before any
resolution especially given that Jane Doe I had been led to believe she was going to be testifying
in a federal trial.
17. While I was out of town from June 27-29, 2008, Villafafia called me. My recollection was
that it was either on Saturday June 28 or Sunday June 29, 2008. She told me that she had just
learned that Epstein was pleading guilty in state court on Monday, June 30, 2008. Villafafia gave
no indication whatsoever that this plea would resolve the federal investigation. Indeed, Villafafia
did not tell me that the state plea was even related to the federal investigation. In fact, this was
the first time she had acknowledged that there was still an open state investigation. She gave the
impression that she was caught off-guard herself that Epstein was pleading guilty or that this
event was happening at all. Villafafia confirmed prior to this call that Doe 1 and Doe 2 were part
of the federal investigation. Neither Doe 1 nor Doe 2 nor any other victims I had spoken to up
that point, or even those I represented later, had ever been contacted by the Palm Beach State
Attorney and told that they were victims of crimes being prosecuted by the State of Florida.
Neither Doe I nor Doe 2 had any reason to believe that they were victims of a state crime that
was being prosecuted. Based on everything Villafafia said, and could not say, there was no
possible way I could have believed that this state plea could affect the federal investigation or the
rights of my clients in that federal investigation.
18. Villafatia did express that this hearing was important, but never told me why she felt that
way. My logical belief was that having Epstein plead guilty to any offense related to his sexual
interaction with minors would only help the larger federal prosecution. Villafatia did not tell me
that my clients could speak at the hearing or even had any role in or connection to the hearing; in
fact, it is my belief to this day that there were several specifically identified victims to the state
offenses for which Epstein pled guilty and none were Jane Doe 1 or Jane Doe 2. I told Villafafia
that I was out of town and could not attend the hearing. Despite my questions about the case and
investigation, both before and during this conversation, Villafafia did not ever tell me that there
was a NPA or any resolution to the federal case, that the state plea would somehow resolve the
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many federal crimes uncovered and expected to be charged federally. Indeed, the only message
she conveyed directly to me was that the federal investigation was continuing and Jane Doe 1
and other identified victims would remain informed. I always had the feeling, in every call, that
Villafafia wanted to tell me more and that her supervisors would simply not permit her to do so.
A fair characterization of each call was that I provided information and asked questions and
Villafafia listened and expressed that she was unable to say much or answer the questions I was
asking.
19. After the June 30, 2008 plea, (perhaps on July 3, 2008 as Villafafia recollects) I contacted
Villafafia to discuss how the state case had been resolved and the next stages of the federal
prosecution. I started to get the sense during this call that the Office was beginning to negotiate
with Epstein with respect to the federally identified crimes. I explained in detail, on behalf of
my clients, why I felt it was essential to the preservation of full justice that any federal plea offer
be sufficiently harsh to fit the extensive sex abuse crimes that the evidence demonstrated Epstein
had committed. She did not tell me, or even give any indication, that her Office had already
signed an NPA with Epstein; nor did she tell me that the federal investigation was already closed
or resolved. In fact, even at this stage after the state plea, the indication was the opposite,
although for the first time I was made to believe federal plea negotiations had commenced and a
resolution could be reached shortly. I took time to write and send a letter to Villafafia'sattention
on July 3, 2008, expressing the same feelings I had already expressed during our post-state-plea
telephone call. Ex. A. In writing the letter, I was acting on my belief, derived from my
conversation with Villafafia, that my letter could have some bearing on Government decisions,
which I believed to be the decisions about whether to file federal charges, and what charges
should be filed, against Epstein. This letter shows the type of conferral that I had been trying to
have with Villafafia throughout my discussions with her and that type of conferral that my client
had been hoping to have before any resolution.
20. After sending the July 3, 2008 letter, on July 7, 2008, I filed an emergency petition to enforce
Jane Doe 1's rights under the CVRA. In the petition, I expressed my concern in that pleading
that the United States was engaging in plea negotiations at that time that "may likely result in a
disposition of the (federal) charges in the next several days" (DE 1). That petition accurately
reflected what I had been lead me to believe was the current state of the federal investigation into
Epstein's crime. It is clear at this point that I, on behalf of my clients, was trying desperately to
get a conferral with the Government before what my clients and I believed was an imminent
resolution to the federal case.
21. On July 9, 2008, the United States filed its response informing me, for the first time, that the
United States had previously "agreed to defer prosecution in favor of prosecution by the State of
Florida . . ." (DE 13). Until that time, the victims and their counsel — including me -- had no
notice whatsoever of the NPA nor of the fact that there had been a resolution to the federal
investigation. tThe earlier statements made by Villafafia in our prior conversations were
misleading in light of the fact that, as Villafafia knew, her Office had signed the NPA months
earlier, and as she acknowledges in her recent affidavit she knew during the time we were
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speaking that "a final decision on Epstein's challenges to the NPA and the federal investigation
was expected shortly.... (See DE 403-19, para. 37).
22. If I had been told by the Government previously about the NPA, and the fact that Epstein's
guilty pleas were needed to trigger the NPA, I would have taken appropriate legal steps to
challenge the NPA as Jane Doe 1 would have insisted, both with the Department of Justice and
before the Florida state guilty pleas. For example, I would have filed the emergency petition in
this case in mid-June if I had been told about the NPA. I detrimentally relied on the statements of
Villafafia to me and my clients that the case was still under investigation, that my client may be
needed for a trial, and similar representations — and that we should be patient — in not taking
earlier action.
23. As a former prosecutor with some familiarity with both state and federal prosecutions — as
well as the fair treatment of crime victims during prosecutions — I believe that it would have been
customary, reasonable and fair for the Government to have fulfilled its obligations under the
CVRA by informing the victims in this case of the resolution before it concluded any NPA with
Epstein of the terms of the NPA. I also believe that once the Government had concluded an
NPA with Epstein, it would have been customary,reasonable and fair for the Government to have
informed the victims of the terms of the NPA well before any plea that extinguished the rights of
all Epstein victims.
24. Nothing in this affidavit is intended to reveal, or does reveal, any confidential or internal
attorney-client or work product protected information. Nothing in this affidavit should be
construed as in any way waiving any attorney-client privilege or work product protection.
25. I declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and accurate to the best of my
memory, knowledge, and belief.
* * * * *
I declare under penalty of perjury, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1746, that the foregoing is
true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief.
Executed this 11th day of August, 2017.
/s/ Bradley J. Edwards
BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, ESQ.
8
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LA141)FFICE
I • (Aetti(
AND
tre/reildi
ASSOCIATES
• ;
July 3, 2008
Ann Marie C. Villafana, AUSA VIA CERTIFIED MAIL
United States Attorney's Office RETURN RECEIPT REQUESTED
500 South Australian Avenue 7007 2680 0002 5519 8503
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401
Dear Ms. Villafana:
As you are aware, we represent several of the young girls that were victimized
and abused by Jeffrey Epstein. While we are aware of his recent guilty plea and
conviction in his State Court case, the sentence imposed in that case is grossly inadequate
for a sexual predator of this magnitude. The information and evidence that has come to
our attention in this matter leads to a grave concern that justice will not be served in this
cause if Mr. Epstein is not aggressively prosecuted and appropriately punished. Based on
our investigation and knowledge of this case, it is apparent that he has sexually abused
more than 100 underage girls, and the evidence against him is overwhelmingly strong.
As former Assistant State Attorneys with seven years' prosecution experience, we
believe that the evidence against Mr. Epstein is both credible and deep and that he may
be the most dangerous sexual predator of children that our country has ever seen. The
evidence suggests that for at least 4 years he was sexually abusing as many as three to
four girls a day. It is inevitable that if he is not confined to prison, he will continue to
manipulate and sexually abuse children and destroy more lives. He is a sexual addict that
focused all of his free time on sexually abusing children, and he uses his extraordinary
wealth and power to lure in poor, underprivileged little girls and then also uses his wealth
to shield himself from prosecution and liability. We are very concerned for the health
and welfare of the girls he has already victimized, and concerned that if justice is not
properly served now and he is not imprisoned for a very long time, he will get a free
pass
to sexually abuse children in the future. Future abuse and victimization is obvious to
anyone who really reviews the evidence in this case, and future sexual abuse of minors is
inevitable unless he is prosecuted, tried and appropriately sentenced. Money and power
should not allow a man to make his own laws, and he has clearly received preferential
treatment at every step up to this point. If he were a man of average wealth or the abused
girls were from middle or upper class families, then this man would spend the rest of his
life in prison. In a country of true, blind justice, those distinctions are irrelevant, and we
really hope he does not prove the point that a man can commit heinous crimes against
children and buy his way out of it.
If the Department of Justice's recent commitment to the protection of our children
from child molesters is to be more than rhetoric, then this is the time and the case where
the Department must step forward. We urge the Attorney General and our United States
2028 HARRISON STRILIIT,SUITE 202. HOLLYWOOD, FLORIDA 33020
---
OFFICE: 954-414-8033/305-935-2011
FAX: 954-924-1530/305-935-4227
BESBRADEDWARDSLAW.0OM
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11
Ann Marie C. Villafana, AUSA
United States Attorney's Office
Page Two
Attorney to consider the fundamental import of the vigorous enforcement of our Federal
laws. We urge you to move forward with the traditional indictments and criminal
prosecution commensurate with the crimes Mr, Epstein has committed, and we further
urge you to take the steps necessary to protect our children from this very dangerous
sexual perpetrator. We will help you to do this in any way possible to ensure that true
Justice is served in this case.
Sincerely,
Brad Edwards, Esquire
Jay Howell, Esquire
2025 HARRISON STREHT,SUITI 202, HOLLYWOOD, FLORIDA 33020
OFFICE, 954-414-503S/S05-935-2011
FAX, 954-924-15SO/S05-SS5-4227
BRORADEDWARDSLAW.0O1/
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